• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.121-138
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• 2021

The Dutch arrived in the islands that now compose Indonesia in the 17^th century, settling first in Banten (1600) and Ambon (1605) before establishing Batavia (1619) and taking over Malacca (1641) from the Portuguese. Referring to this network of strategic bases throughout the Nusantara region, this paper uses the element of urban cultural heritage to examine these four major trade hubs experienced very different destinies as a result of Dutch decisions. It also explores how shifts in political power after Indonesia's independence influenced Jakarta's dominance in modern-day Indonesia. The paper suggests that Dutch opportunism and strategic visions underpinned the decision to make Jakarta the center of colonial power in the 17^th century century. It also concludes that Jakarta's continued importance in political control and policies explains why it retained its position after Indonesia's independence, and these have been supported by recent policy measures. Finally, this paper concludes that, despite its Dutch origins, urban cultural heritage has been embraced by Indonesians.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.109-123
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• 2015

The object of this research is to take a bilateral look into cultural exchanges of the Netherlands and Japan through the East India Company and thereby improve the general understanding in regards to the exchanges of costume cultures between the East and the West. The study conducted qualitative analyses on features of contemporary costumes of the Netherlands and Japan from 1602 to 1799 by investigating the secondary sources, such as the histories of costumes, arts, and literature. The results are as follows; the traditional sleeves of the Japanese Kimono were basically cut out in a straight line. However due to the growing popularity of the kimono home gown in Europe, the producers of the kimono in India as well as several other European countries modified them into western-style sleeves. Regarding the costumes of the Netherlands, which were introduced to Japan, the study found that Japan imported Dutch fabrics, instead of specific clothing items. In Japan, costume controls and anti-conspicuous consumption regulations among social classes including a closed-door policy had negative effects on both developments and exchanges of costumes of the country. However, when it comes to the Jinbaori, a costume for ruling classes, Japan was open to using fabrics, patterns and designs of the West. In light of what have been discussed so far, the study confirmed that the costume exchanges between the two countries started long after their first business of the general cultural exchanges. Though it is clear that the advancements in the natural sciences that the Japanese made can be attributed to the West, Japan was one of the nations that impacted the costume cultures in Europe.

• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.143-164
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to know how to utilize foreigners such as Weltevree and Hamel who visited Korea in the pre-modern period, during history class. Both Weltevree and Hamel were Dutch men, and the first person who visited the Joseon Dynasty was Weltevree. He was a sailor of the Dutch East India Company, landed on Jeju Island in 1627, and since then, he did not return to his country. He played a major role in the execution of weapons. Hammel, the merchant catcher of the Dutch East India Company, traveled to Joseon in 1653 and contacted several kinds of people in various parts of the country for 13 years, and was able to survey the scenery and customs of Joseon. It can be difficult for students to understand the overall trends of the world history and the views of the East and the West because students learn from Western history, East Asian history, and Korean history, separately. Learning characteristics associated with East-West exchanges will enable students to understand the Western and Eastern history of the West, and understand the history of the world.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.329-358
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• 2011

The pottery and porcelain of Myanmar is very various such as Celadon, Black glazed large Jar and White galzed Jar painted Green Colour. In these Myanmarese Ceramics, Black glazed large Jar is very important to understand the Character and Role of Myanmar Ceramics. The description on the Black glazed large Jar of Myanmar is seen in several Books such as a travel essay of Ibun Battuta, Duarte Barbosa, The book of Duarte Barbosa: A Account of the Contries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and their Inhabitants, Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Volker, T., Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company These descriptions on the Black glazed Jar in these Books are important evidence to discovery the existence of it and its Types and Price and Use. The appearance of Black glazed Jar of Myanmar is considered in the Middle of 14C with the description of the Book of Ibn Battuta. Furthermore, Excavated from the Shipwreck of China in the Sinan, Chellanamdo, it is certain that the Black glazed large Jar was already existed in the early of 14C. And it was considered that the Shipwreck of China in the Sinan, Chellanamdo was started from Ninbo(寧波) of China to the destination of Japan with the Inscrition made Bamboo. So we know that The route of $Ninbo{\rightarrow}Korea{\rightarrow}Japan$ is very important in the Trade Ceramics of East Asia in 14C. And The size of Black glazed Jar has 3 types, Large, Middle and Small. The large type is used as a Tools for Water and Oil. The small type is the personal bottle for drinking. The Price of Black glazed Jar of Myanmar was changed as times go by. The price of the late of 16C and the early of 17C is 30 prolin and the late of 17C is 8 Prolin. The price of the Black glazed Jar of Myanmar in the late of 16C and the early of 17C is estimated 3 times for the price of the late of 17C. and This change of the price of Myanmarese Black Glazed Jar is decided on the Demand and Supply. and the Black glazed Jar of Myanmar was mainly used for the tools for Morpin in the year of 1620 and for Salt and Sugar in the year of 1640 and for Water and Oil in the late of 17C.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.33-51
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• 2012

Joseph Mallord William Turner (1775-1851) has been widely regarded as the most original and brilliant English landscape painter in the 19th century. Admitted to the Royal Academy Schools in 1789, Turner was a precocious artist and gained the full membership of the prestigious Royal Academy in 1802 at the age of 27. Already in the 1800s he was recognised as a pioneer in taking a new and revolutionary approach to the art of landscape painting. Among his early works made in this period, The Shipwreck, painted in 1805, epitomizes the sense of sublime Romanticism in terms of its dramatic subject-matter and the masterly display of technical innovations. Of course, the subject of shipwreck has a long standing history. Ever since human beings first began seafaring, they have been fascinated as much as haunted by shipwrecks. For maritime societies, such as England, shipwreck has been the source of endless nightmares, representing a constant threat not only to individual sailors but also to the nation as a whole. Unsurprisingly, therefore, shipwreck is one of the most popular motifs in art and literature, particularly during the 18th and 19th centuries. Yet accounts, images and metaphors of shipwreck have taken diverse forms and served different purposes, varying significantly across time and between authors. As such, Turner's painting registers a panoply of diverse but interconnected contemporary discourses. First of all, since shipwreck was an everyday occurrence in this period, it is more than likely that Turner's painting depicted the actual sinking in 1805 of the East India Company's ship 'The Earl of Abergavenny' off the coast of Weymouth. 263 souls were lost and the news of the wreck made headlines in major English newspapers at the time. Turner's painting may well have been his visual response to this tragedy, eyewitness accounts of which were given in great quantity in every contemporary newspaper. But the painting is not a documentary visual record of the incident as Turner was not present at the site and newspaper reports were not detailed enough for him to pictorially reconstruct the entire scene. Rather, Turner's painting is indebted to the iconographical tradition of depicting tempest and shipwreck, bearing a strong visual resemblance to some 17th-century Dutch marine paintings with which he was familiar through gallery visits and engravings. Lastly, Turner's Shipwreck is to be located in the contexts of burgeoning contemporary travel literature, especially shipwreck narratives. The late 18th and early 19th century saw a drastic increase in the publication of shipwreck narratives and Turner's painting was inspired by the re-publication in 1804 of William Falconer's enormously successful epic poem of the same title. Thus, in the final analysis, Turner's painting is a splendid signifier leading the beholder to the heart of Romantic abyss conjoing nightmarish everyday experience, high art, and popular literature.