• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.101-112
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• 2019

Over the last few years, air pollution ($PM_{10}$, $PM_{2.5}$) in the Seoul metropolitan area (SMA) has emerged as one of the most concerned and threatening environmental issues among the residents. It brings about various harmful effects on human health, as well as ecosystem and industrial activities. Governments and individuals pay various costs to mitigate the level of air pollutants. This study aims to empirically find the willingness to pays (WTP) among the parents from different socio-cultural groups - international and domestic groups to mitigate air pollution ($PM_{10}$, $PM_{2.5}$) in their residential area. Contingent Valuation Methods (CVM) is used with employing single-bounded dichotomous choice technique to elicit the respondent's WTP. Using tobit (censored regression) and probit models, the monthly mean WTP of the pooled sample for green electricity which contributes to improve air quality in the region was estimated as 3,993 KRW (3.58 USD). However, the mean WTP between the international group and domestic group through a sub-sample analysis shows broad distinction as 3,325KRW (2.98 USD) and 4,449 KRW (3.98 USD) respectively. This is because that socio-cultural characteristics of each group such as socio-economic status, personal experience, trust in institutions and worldview are differently associated with the WTP. Based on the results, the society needs to raise awareness of lay people to find a strong linkage between the current PM issue and green electricity. Also, it needs to improve trust in the government's pollution abatement policy to mobilize more assertive participation of the people from different socio-cultural background.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.351-380
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• 2018

In every society, citizens must decide how to punish criminals, uphold the virtue of justice, and preserve the security of the community. In doing so, the members of society must ask themselves how they will punish those who carry out the most abhorrent of crimes. Many common responses to such a question is that death is an acceptable punishment for the most severe crimes. But to draw some theoretical distinction between a crime that deserves incarceration and a crime that is so heinous that it deserves capital punishment is subject to three errors. First, what possible line could be drawn? To decide on a particular number of deaths or to employ any standard would be arbitrary. Second, the use of a line would trivialize and undermine the deaths of those whose murderers fell below the standard. Third, any and all executions still are unjust, as the State should not degrade the institution of justice and dehumanize an individual who, although he or she has no respect for other human life, is still a living person. Simply put, all murders are heinous, all are completely unacceptable, and deserve the greatest punishment of the land; however, death as punishment is inappropriate. Also, while this article arrives at the conclusion that the death penalty is an inappropriate form of punishment, I have not offered an acceptable alternative that would appease those who believe capital offenders deserve a punishment that differs in its quality and severity. This is a burden that, admittedly, I am unable to meet. I finally conclude that the death penalty is unjustified retribution. This is the only claim that can effectively shift the intellectual paradigms of the participants in the debate. The continued use of the death penalty in society can only be determined and influenced by the collective conscience of the members of that society. As stated at the outset of this article, it is this essentially moral conflict regarding what is just and degrading that forms the backdrop for the past changes in and the present operation of our system of imposing death as a punishment for crime.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.351-379
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• 2015

In the Andes regions of Latin America continents, groups of diverse native tribes are intensively distributed.Among these tribes, the Aymara compose the most representative group of natives along with the Quechua. Especially, the Aymara who are concentrated on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia centered on Lake Titicaca have pursued common identity forming the same cultural area although they belong to different nations. In the meantime, the Aymara have maintained a sense of fellowship while emphasizing historicity and specialty, which are differentiated with groups of other natives based on a language constituting identity of the tribe. However, recently, focused on Puno State as the center of the border areas of both countries, the tribe's conflicts come to the surface. After being divided by the artificial boundary line, which was formed in the course of building modern countries after the independence, natives of Latin America started to emphasize differences simultaneously with cultural similarity in the frame of cooperation and competition. Together with the historical contexts, lately, focused on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia, as the same tribe came to be bound by the frameworks of different nations respectively, a new tribal conflict is being developed. Though the Aymara unite emphasizing cultural and historical specialty and recognizing them as one tribe, when they conflict with each other over inner interest, a tendency to form the identity of differentiation and distinction appeared even in the inside of the tribe. Usually, disorder between tribes seems to be originated from intertribal strife, which coexists in one region. In case of the Aymara of Peru and Bolivia, centered on Puno State where both countries maintain the border, an aspect that the fellowship of the tribe, which was established through old history changes into conflict structures by realistic conditions comes out. In understanding this point, this study analyzed the historical origin of the conflict of the Aymara and the deepened cause of the tribal disorder.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.46 no.6
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• pp.75-84
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• 2018

The inclusive playground is a playground where disabled children and non-disabled children can play together, not a playground for the disabled. It started with the change of social awareness of the citizenship rights of disabled people in the 1960s and the resulting playgrounds. Since then, inclusive playgrounds have been developed in many countries, and these are organized in the form by guidelines. In Korea, social interest in inclusive playgrounds is increasing, but there are no systematic guidelines in Korea, and the application of overseas cases or guidelines is limited. The purpose of this study is to classify the concept of inclusive playgrounds and design guidelines, that were previously presented in inclusive playground design guideline of various countries and analyze the characteristics of, design scope, and design principles, and provide a basic framework for creating guidelines. The purpose of the design guideline was to present specific numerical values to the inclusive playground design guidelines, to link with academic research and industrial products, to present pursuit values, and to expand the value of pursuing design methods. The contents were covered by scope, conceptualization, principles of design and design process, design guidelines, and checklists. Most of the guideline covers specific autonomous governments or countries that can apply the related systems or laws, but the composition of the detailed contents is different. The guiding value of inclusive playgrounds presented in each guideline is not a playground for the disabled but a playground for all, and some guidelines refer to the difficulty in playgrounds considering non-disabled children. Based on these concepts, design guidelines are presented in each guideline. Improving the accessibility in design principles is a common theme and adds to the principles of safety, independence, convenience, and playability. None of the guidelines do not provide design guidelines. Although there is a difference in the degree and method of specificity provided by each of the guidelines, the design guidelines can be generally summarized as space, copper line, and unit facilities. As mentioned in many guidelines, an inclusive playground is not only a playground for children with disabilities. Therefore, in the design guidelines, it is also important to the support play of children with disabilities and to induce inclusive play. The design guidelines presented in the guideline can be rearranged into three stages of 'supporting the play of children with disabilities', 'securing the dimensions and materials of spaces and facilities', 'adding auxiliary devices' and 'designing new facilities'. There are three design guidelines for inducing inclusive play. First, by creating various difficulty levels and intersecting spaces, children with various abilities can play with each other, and at the same time, they can interact witheach other. Second, all children can cooperate and play without distinction between children with disabilities and non-disabled children. Finally, the guardian provides the conditions for efficient support so that the disabled child can fully enjoy the inclusive playground.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology Conference
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• 2013.11a
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• pp.23-24
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• 2013

Micrometeorological fluxes measured over a tall forest in a complex terrain are difficult to interpret. $CO_2$ storage often makes significant contributions to net ecosystem exchange of $CO_2$ (NEE) in early morning and during nighttime due to calm and stable conditions. We measured the above-canopy $CO_2$ flux along with its concentration profiles at eight levels within and above the canopy to evaluate $CO_2$ storage term. Our question is whether or not the $CO_2$ storage term can be estimated accurately from a single level measurement of $CO_2$ concentration in a complex terrain. Our objectives are (1) to document vertical profiles of $CO_2$ concentration and (2) to compare the diurnal and seasonal variations of $CO_2$ storages estimated from single and multi-level $CO_2$ concentration data. Seasonally averaged Diurnal variations of $CO_2$ concentration ranged from 398 to 455 ppm near the forest floor at 0.1 m whereas they ranged from 364 to 395 ppm at 40 m in the atmosphere. The diurnal variation of vertical profiles of $CO_2$ concentration shows very interesting features with season. At all eight levels, diurnal variation of $CO_2$ concentration showed little change in winter. In spring, the diurnal variations of $CO_2$ concentration at 8 levels showed three distinct groups of layers with height: the first layer: 0.1m (near surface), second layer: 1.0 m and 4.0m (below canopy) and the third layer: 7.4m to 40.7 m (near canopy and above). In summer, these three groups of layers were further separated with larger variations whereas such distinction became smaller in fall. The diurnal variation of $CO_2$ concentration in the first three layers near surface always showed higher concentration with larger variability. Typically, $CO_2$ concentration showed peaks in early morning and in the evening. After the evening peak, $CO_2$ concentration gradually increased except for those near the surface (i.e., 0.1, 1.0 and 4.0 m) where the concentrations actually decreased. We suspect that this could be attributed to the drainage flow of $CO_2$ along the hill slope from the headwater to downstream, which is not taken into account for net ecosystem $CO_2$ exchange. In comparison to the results of other studies, the distinct and different vertical structures of $CO_2$ concentrations observed at our site may be due to complex terrain and weak turbulent mixing under calm conditions at the site. The annual mean of diurnal variation of $CO_2$ storage flux from single level ranged from -0.6 to $0.9{\mu}mol\;m^{-2}s^{-1}$ and from multi-level from -1.2 to $1.0{\mu}\;{\mu}mol\;m^{-2}s^{-1}$. When compared against the results from the multi-level concentrations, the storage flux estimated from a single-level concentration was generally adequate except for specific hours near sunrise and sunset. Further details and their implication will be discussed in the presentation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to consider practical examples of the method of utilizing plant material 'lotus' used by the ancients, and the value and meaning they wanted to get from it. The method of this study to do this is descriptive study to consider and interpret poem and painting reflecting impression and concept world of lotus. Summary of this study is as follows. First, ornamental value of lotus could be divided in effect of group plant and detail value held by the flower, the leaves and the stem. Especially, group plant lotus in large site provides unique landscape differentiated form other flowering plants. As well, another feature of lotus is its high ornamental value spread in detail elements including the flower, the leaves, the stem and the lotus seed. Second, fragrance expressed 'Hyang-won-ik-cheong(香遠益淸)' is an important charm of lotus. Lotus was utilized as olfactory element providing fragrance. The ancients considered lotus fragrance not only for enjoy but as symbolic object comparing noble man's dignity so that they expressed it in poem and painting. Third, lotus was utilized as acoustical element. That is, the sound of raindrops harmonizing the surface of water and wide lotus leaves was called 'hearing lotus fond and rain', enjoying it as classic grace. Fourth, summer play lotus sightseeing was called mind wash up meaning 'washing the mind polluted by the mundane world'. Such poetic taste was widely enjoyed by various classes from general public to royal family. Besides, poetic taste related with lotus is the method of drinking alcohol using the feature of big lotus leave and vacant stem, called 'Beog-tong-ju(碧筒酒)'. And in the Joseon dynasty period, when the distinction between the man and the woman influenced by Confucian, lotus seed and 'lotus collecting song' was important sign to express romance between man and woman. Lotus has been enamored by wide classes transcending cultural background as thought and religion since ancient times. Due to such reasons, various symbolic meaning of lotus and planting examples related to religious facilities as temples could not be considered in various manner is limitation of this study, and which is research project for the future.