This paper analyzes how the concept of 'technological innovation' has changed in South Korea. We conducted keyword co-occurrence network analysis on articles in Science and Technology, a magazine published by the Korean Federation of Science and Technology Societies since 1968. With writers and readership from professional science and technology communities, government officers, as well as citizens, Science and Technology is a suitable archival source to represent discourses relating to South Korean use of the term 'technological innovation'. We used all the articles from 1968 to 2017 that include the term 'technological innovation' in their title. Also, we analyzed the keywords that co-occur with 'technological innovation' by the frame divided into three periods. The following conclusions were elicited: The term 'technological innovation' has been understood as a leading factor for government-driven industrial development since the 1960s. Nevertheless, the meaning of the term evolved over time. In the 1960s and 70s, 'technological innovation' referred to the introduction, assimilation, and transfer of technology. However, since the 1980s it has acquired a more multilateral meaning, connecting various industrial sectors and interest groups. This conclusion reveals that the meaning of 'technological innovation' is not static, but rather it is constructed over time. This study is expected to contribute to research on the direction of the technological innovation policy of Korea.
This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.
As biennale exhibitions has been expanded into all of the world since 1990s, these trends of blockbuster exhibitions have caused several problems. For instance, some major curators monopolized most global size exhibitions despite of a variety of cultural and historical backgrounds. Besides, due to a strong connection between these curators and their own artists, the young emerging artists' opportunities tend to be reduced as a result of the power game. In addition, major curators' power have influence on the exhibition style as well as on the theme itself. Some artists who did not involved that kind of huge scale exhibitions dispute that the direction of the exhibition is concentrating on the curator's interest instead of artists or viewers. Although these dissatisfactions could not portray correctly the process of organizing and managing system of a biennale exhibition, those biennale exhibitions held in recent have shown tautologic discourses without any passion and positive attitude direct to the exploitation of our society as a vanguard. In the process of comparing several kinds of biennale exhibitions, I could find that some artists who participated several biennale exhibitions at the same time did not present their creative vision, although the triumph of an exhibition was typically measured by the amount of visitors. Thus, the aim of this article is to prove that the biennale can show us new cultural discourse as well as progressive method of understanding our times. Is biennale producing the real 'global standard'? If biennale has done it, could this global standard present upto-date paradigm for the unique exhibition system? Is biennale providing an useful opportunity for the understanding and communicating of contemporary art through the recontextualization which is pronounced by the publicity of curator and organizing committee? How can we find the distinctive strategy from each biennale exhibition including Venice Biennale? Biennale, as a blockbuster exhibition, always requires a degree of hype, otherwise it would not be a special event and would not attract a big enough audience. It is the actual reason why major biennale exhibitions seem to be similar artistic events. Unfortunately, it seems that the excess of biennale exhibitions might bring about the lack of contents. In this case, the biennale syndrome would being a kind of the center of poverty, in spite of the visual splendor. After all, following the global standard may not be a matter of great importance now. What really matters is how each biennale exhibition which started under the different conditions can search their own identity.
In the late Japanese colonial period, from the Sino-Japanese War until the Pacific War, critical discourses on the modern were prevalent in Japan and the Joseon. Despite the absence of a consensus about the specific definition of the modern, most thinkers agreed that the modern was something to be overcome. While some regarded naturalism and capitalism of the West as the essence of the modern, some others named scientism and humanism as the nature of the western modernity. Additionally, some criticized the temporal concept of historicism and brought new meanings of 'tradition' into relief, and some others advocated overcoming 'the West inherent in us'. This study is to consider the temporality of the theory of overcoming the modern focusing on the following three notions-world history, tradition, and emergency-, and examines the antinomy of them. The first notion to consider is 'world history'. The theorists of overcoming the modern, including the Kyoto school, discarded the progressive ideology that had led the Western modern history, and instead introduced 'world history' as a new notion. Although this resulted from the imperialistic embracement of the theories of Ranke, a major positivist historian from Germany, it contained antinomy of remaining in 'history' which was the modern temporal view. The second notion is 'tradition'. While the critical mind of 'world history' brought 'time of world' into question in the context of temporal realization, the notion of 'tradition' was to understand 'time of history' itself as the modern and overcome it. The critical mind of the notion involves the attempts to criticize regarding history as a 'progressive' process and to discover tradition as 'the present past' or 'the eternal present'. However, it also contained antinomy; the 'tradition' here was a notion that was created in the modern times, not passed down from ancient times. The third notion to consider is 'emergency', which was a method to define the present time as a transition period toward a new era, relating to states of war. However, the theorists of overcoming the modern did not regard 'emergency' as a particular time that strayed from normal states, instead they thought is as 'a regularized exceptional state', namely 'a state in which exceptions have become regulations'. However, the notion also contained antinomy since the word 'emergency' connotes abnormality.
The word culture itself is very difficult to define. Therefore, in order to confine its meaning, many scholars prefer to attach different prefixes such as inter-, bi-, multi-, cross-, pluri-, trans-, in front of the adjective cultural instead of defining the word culture itself. These prefixes have been used along with about thirty various nouns, ranging from adaptability to training. In this paper, we focused on the adjective intercultural. In fact, this adjective has been widely used, not only in education but also in the communication and philosophy sectors among the world academia discourse. Intercultural Education appeared in America in the 1930s and also in the 1970s in Europe, in order to improve relations between immigrants and the people who received them. Intercultural communication arose in America as a cultural education program for American diplomats and professionals, while interculturalism appeared in the 1970s in Canada as a policy in opposition to multiculturalism. Intercultural philosophy started in 1990s Germany as philosophical speculation against Eurocentrism. As such, the adjective intercultural has been used with a combination of diverse nouns. In regards to this, one can ask the following questions: did the scholars have any kind of agreement during their discussions? Did they communicate and make a positive impact on each other? If not, how can we interpret their common use of the word intercultural? To answer these questions, we tried to compare fives types of intercultural waves of the 20th century, paying particular attention to their time periods, places and backgrounds of appearance, their emphases and shortcomings. Following our research, we found that intercultural waves in the 20th Century have developed independently despite their common use of the word intercultural. Therefore, we concluded that the use of same word intercultural was the result of humankind's effort to approach cultural differences in a positive way in the global village created by internationalization and globalization of the 20th century.
North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.
In this paper I undertake to define what is mind, as a partial project of the philosophical foundation of the Mind Humanities. To this end I ask myself, where can be found the field, to which the various or whole psychological concepts and discourses generally relate, and then I identify the correct field to be the field of existential activities of human beings as being-in-the-world. When human beings as being-in-the-world live their lives, her life is built up out of the internal biological activities, the worlds of space and time, and actions. While the various scenes of individual life of man produced by a dynamic coordination of those worldly components, the basis of the mechanism of that coordination is explained by a biological model of self-sufficiency system that I developed here. On the basis of this model, I show step by step, how and through which (logical) way organisms configures their living, as it is. With respect to those steps of the life-construction of the organism, or in light of each step corresponding to each configuration, I construct different types of mind, i.e. impulsive mind, manipulative mind, meta-mind, collective consciousness/mind and finally personality, while every mind is further subdivided. Finally, I define mind, in light of its function in human life and with respect to the generalized sense of the whole processes as outlined above, as an organ which weaves (above mentioned) worldly components to Dasein, and sublimates and expands it to a better living.
According to the thesis of the publicity of reasons, practical reasons are public in their nature: the normative force of reasons may extend across different agents. Wallace argues that the normative mode of public reasons can be exhausted by what he calls the requirement of non-interference. I argue that the publicity thesis as he presents it equally applies to both (non-special) interpersonal relations and special relationships. At first, Wallace's version of the publicity thesis may seem incompatible with the fact that there exists reasons of positive aid. He says that when these reasons obtain in the case of interpersonal relations, they are accommodated by relevant specific moral principles. I defend this claim by showing that there is a kind of internal relation between the publicity thesis and moral principles in question. It is true that the reasons of positive aid obtain in the case of special relationships as well. I show that in this case such reasons are grounded by the requirements of the given special relationships themselves. I argue that the logical consequence of these claims is what I call the dualistic conception of our practical reasoning about what to do and that this dualism does not raise a serious challenge to the publicity thesis. The overall arguments of this paper, I believe, make us to be "realistic" about the philosophical significance of the thesis in question in moral discourses.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
/
v.5
no.4
/
pp.79-85
/
2019
'Experiments in Art and Technology' Group was established in the mid-20th century, and then developed the larger interdisciplinary experiments into the range of art world and its outside field. The motive power of group's activities was the collaboration between artists and engineers traversing the boundary between old different disciplinary conventions. E.A.T was officially launched in 1967 by the engineers Billy $Kl{\ddot{u}}ver$ and Fred Waldhauer and the artists Robert Raushenberg and Robert Whitman. They performed various possibility of material, technology, and engineering available to contemporary art. By reflecting the function of art and technology in society, eventually they developed the methodology of new aesthetics which had organic relationship with contemporary world. In this sense, this research have its academic significance. This paper firstly examined the socio-cultural context of emerging the E.A.T. group as a representative model for convergent practice, and verified the fact that the collaboration between artists and engineers had produced the expansion of artistic expression as well as new relationship among art, engineering, and society by considering E.A.T's various projects. Therefore, I will refer the E.A.T. group as an exemplary model for concrete method of collaboration that contemporary discourses about convergence need.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
/
v.41
no.5
/
pp.429-440
/
2021
In this article, we explored the value of interculturalism in developing the discourses of international cooperation in science education. By doing so, we interviewed four teachers who had an experience in teaching science in developing countries, and analyzed their experiences and perceptions in the lens of interculturalism and dialogue. Our analysis of teacher narratives shows the transition in the teachers' perspectives from volunteering and transmission to collaboration and learning. The transition from volunteering to collaboration occurred as the teachers learned how to meet 'the others' as themselves being strangers in the foreign context. Through intervening and colliding, teachers were able to reposition their identities as teachers. Furthermore, their science teaching practices show how the teachers tried to negotiate between the universal or idealistic value of science education and the heterogeneities formed by the country's cultural and specific situation of science education. Through these experiences, the teachers began to understand the importance of the culturally specific 'need' for science education. In conclusion, we proposed a discourse of science education collaboration based on interculturalism in terms of the diversity and complexity of science education practices in developing countries, teacher professionalism, culturally relevant pedagogy and sustainable policy.
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