• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.6-27
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• 2022

With globalization and new communication technologies, governments aim to cultivate relationships with their foreign publics. This goal represents the convergence of the public relations and public diplomacy domains. In this regard, this study aims to explore how foreign-born faculty members' attitudes and behaviors toward the U.S. are shaped by their relationships with their universities. Findings confirm a significant link between foreign-born faculty members' perceived relationships with their universities and their attitudes and behavioral intentions toward the U.S. The authors conclude that a positive relationship between universities and foreign faculty members can serve as a soft power resource in U.S. public diplomacy. This study contributes to governments' public diplomacy efforts by analyzing the roles of the foreign-born faculty members as strategic communication channels in cultivating relationships between a host country and their homelands.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-4
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• 2021

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.117-120
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• 2021

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.123-126
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• 2021

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.114-116
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• 2021

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.43-63
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• 2023

Objectives: Nuclear security and atomic energy industry have always been the domain of political and economical diplomatic affairs. The issue of nuclear proliferation must be resolved politically or militarily given the importance of the problem, the impact it has on global security, the influence of major powers, and non-proliferation regimes. Considering scope of the budget, manpower, and scale of the project, the atomic energy issue was also viewed from an economic perspective. Therefore, the goal of this study is to depart from the conventional viewpoint and investigate if public diplomacy may be extended to a new issue domain of nuclear security and atomic energy. Methods: In order to determine whether there are any areas that overlap, the uniqueness of Korea's position in the nuclear security and atomic power domains is evaluated and compared with the traits of public diplomacy. Results: It seems plausible to broaden the scope and function of public diplomacy in that field given Korea's uniqueness in nuclear security and atomic energy issue and overlap with public diplomacy. This is especially true given that the state must take the leading role and that ongoing policy demands are made in light of Korea's security and economic structure. In reality, it is assessed that the Summer Fellows Program, run by the KAIST Nuclear Nonproliferation Education and Research Center (KAIST NEREC), has had a considerable impact on public diplomacy in the area of nuclear security and atomic energy. Conclusions: Nuclear security and atomic energy issues have traditionally been handled from the perspectives of political diplomacy, summit diplomacy, and economic diplomacy. However, this paper evaluate that the possibility of enhancing the role of public diplomacy in this issue area is high and underscore that the budget support, programs, and manpower for similar public diplomacy activities are needed. Through this, South Korea's nuclear security policy and atomic energy industry could be supported from international community and it will advance national interest.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.111-135
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• 2024

This paper classifies the main directions of public diplomacy as 'sender-centered public diplomacy' and 'receiver-centered public diplomacy' and attempts to conceptualize them in the initial stage. In the process, the paper evaluates the specific cases and performance of 'receiver-centered public diplomacy' for posts uploaded by the U.S. Embassy in Seoul on SNS (Facebook) over the past year in 2021. Receiver-centered public diplomacy aims to win the favor of foreign citizens by introducing and experiencing the culture and specificity of the other country. As a result of the analysis, the U.S. Embassy in Seoul is striving to win the favor of the Korean people by directly introducing and experiencing Korean major issues and trends as well as Korean traditional culture such as kimchi and traditional liquor. Furthermore, it can be seen that the values and policies pursued by the United States are effectively promoted through this method. Korea's public diplomacy, which is still in the 'sender-centered', needs to establish a more effective strategy by referring to the case of the United States.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.21-42
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• 2023

Objective: To understand the contents and effects of public diplomacy by leaders, this paper throws out two questions: "To draw cooperation and support of international society in the middle of national crises, with what content do leaders conduct public diplomacy?" and "Through what mechanism, does leaders' public diplomacy promote cooperation and support of other countries?" Methods: To answer the research questions, this paper conducts a single case study with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's public diplomacy in the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. More specifically, the author collects text from Zelesky's Twitter and analyzes it in a descriptive manner. Results: When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, President Zelensky proactively utilized his SNS to communicate with people in other countries and thereby achieved the desired effect of public diplomacy. He has been delivering messages of 'appreciation of cooperation and support', 'situation of Ukraine', and 'congratulations or condolences', which could augment support, credibility, and audience cost. Conclusion: The effects of public diplomacy led to enhanced cooperation by alleviating problems within international cooperation and support. However, in the case of Ukraine, the patron's dilemma and commitment problem lasted, from which conducting public diplomacy has not been proven to be enough. The result of this paper provides lessons for the public diplomacy of the Republic of Korea in times of national crises in the future. In this regard, leaders should make efforts to promote the effectiveness of public diplomacy even in times of peace.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.1-26
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• 2022

Since the seminal publication of Joseph Nye's Soft Power, soft power became the central concept to public diplomacy. However, over-emphasis on soft power, which is still controversial, deterred academics from producing valuable knowledge that can be applied to practices in the field. Soft power is a cause and effect at the same time and thus it makes systematic analysis almost implausible because it is not only a tool for successful public diplomacy, but it is a result of successful diplomacy. This study aims at offering a theoretical framework linking soft power and public diplomacy by including various factors that may affect the outcomes of effective public diplomacy. This theoretical framework assessing the effectiveness of public diplomacy will make it possible to explore how and when new public diplomacy was adopted in a certain country and examine hard and soft power resources. The model also includes political system variables such as ideas and values, institutions, governance, leadership, and communication system, which are expected to influence public diplomacy effectiveness rather than soft power itself. The model yields the effectiveness of public diplomacy by assessing outcome and impact relative to input and output that are applicable to practices. The model is expected to enable both quantitative and qualitative studies generating possible propositions from the model with some preliminary outcomes of comparative case studies.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.1-26
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• 2021

Applying discourse analysis of Russia's narrative on humanitarian aid and its perception by the Western collective identity at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, this study identifies several challenges that constructivism poses to the current understanding of public diplomacy (PD). In contrast to the mainstream positivist tendency to evaluate the effectiveness of PD through models, this article expands the PD narrative by inquiring about the role of power, intersubjective knowledge, and collective identities in public diplomacy. In particular, it examines the PD questions often ignored by researchers regarding how collective identities can exercise discursive power to interpret incoming narratives, which challenge domestic intersubjective knowledge. It also argues that, because the Russian political elite failed to ensure a coherent story and provide informational support for its humanitarian aid, the Western intersubjective knowledge on Russia negatively contributed to the perception of PD narratives. Thus, the article underscores the importance for PD practitioners to understand how the socially constructed nature of knowledge can improve or harm PD strategies.