• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.44-72
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• 2021

This study analyses North and South Koreas' coverage as framed by the main Polish press titles from 1989 to 2019. The main method applied is a computational textual analysis of press articles based on frequency, correlations and co-occurrences. The purpose is to map the topics of the examined articles in the context of relations between Poland and the two Koreas in various areas, predominantly political and economic relations. Emphasis is placed on the impact the carmaker Daewoo's investment in Poland in the mid-1990s had on bilateral Polish-South Korean relations. First, the authors argue that Korean issues in the Polish press, mainly in the second half of the 1990s, particularly concerned economic affairs. Secondly, they argue that after Poland's accession to the European Union in 2004, the country's interest in the two Koreas decreased, and since that time has remained at a more or less constant level. Finally, the authors discuss the outcome of the research in the context of the main developments in Polish-Korean relations, taking into consideration the results of a Polish public opinion survey presenting the international linkages between national public opinion and foreign policy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.37-46
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• 2022

During the study, big data analysis was conducted focusing on domestic media reports related to Mongolia. The Latent Dirichlet Allocation(LDA) topic modeling was conducted using 130,000 articles with the keyword 'Mongolia' as the target of analysis. As a result of deriving and examining major topics for each period, there were disappearing subjects as the diplomacy level was raised, but most appeared in the beginning were remained and additional issues in various fields were shown.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.21-34
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• 2022

This study investigated the maintenance and management of government office building in Dongnaebu, Gyeongsangdo in the mid-19th century. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Dongraebu was an important point of national defense and a place of trade and diplomacy with Japan, so it had many government facilities. There are very few government facilities remaining today, and no structure remains. Therefore, it is possible to grasp information about the government facilities through the old materials. Currently, there are public documents related to the local government offices such as Eupji, Eupsarye, and Junggi. Through comparison between public documents, we will examine the maintenance and management of Dongnaebu government facilities in the mid-19th century. As a result of the research, Dongnaebu government facilities were supervised by department and managed like articles. In addition, the name, size, and changes were all recorded in the management of the goods, and the authority of responsibility was clearly stated. This result is because the remaining material has the purpose of preparation as an accounting book. As a result, it was found that the government facilities in the late Joseon Dynasty were managed by a systematic department with clear authority.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.127-145
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• 2022

Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.57-90
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• 2023

China launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 as part of the existing Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to expand its influence in digital and technological development across Asia, Europe, and Africa. Southeast Asia is one of the key targets of the Digital Silk Road due to its geographical proximity to China and the rapid growth of the digital sphere. Although the DSR opens several potential opportunities for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states to foster the digitalization process in the region, how each country reacts to projects under the DSR is varied. Secondly, Vietnam is the only ASEAN member state that has not signed any official agreement under the BRI framework, and thirdly, Vietnam opted out of Huawei technology. This paper aims to understand the perspective of Vietnam and how Vietnam has responded to the growing technological presence of China in Southeast Asia until 2021. By using qualitative methods, the author argues that the DSR has allowed Beijing to overcome the limitations of the original strategy, BRI, and strengthen its influence in the field of information and communication technologies, particularly fifth-generation (5G) telecommunications. Furthermore, the paper examines Vietnam's digital development and digital diplomacy and how the Vietnamese government has responded to DSR projects. In light of both the potential threats and economic benefits that the DSR has brought to Vietnam and Southeast Asian countries, in the last section, the policy implications for cooperation are discussed.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.251-267
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• 2016

한국과 인도 간 관계(이후 한국-인도 관계)는 오랜 역사를 통해 정치, 사회, 경제 및 전략적 측면에서 지속적으로 발전되었다. 특히 인도의 "동방정책(Look East Policy)" 채택과 한국의 "중견국 외교(Middle-power diplomacy)" 선언 간 동질성을 모색하는 차원에서 최근에 더욱 긴밀히 발전되고 있다. 즉 최근에 이르러 갑자기 발전된 관계가 아니라는 논지이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 한국과 인도 간 관계를 역사적 시각, 탈냉전 이후 시각, 경제적 시각 및 교육 및 문화적 그리고 지정학적 시각에서 평가하고자 한다. 특히 역내 중견국(middle power) 대표적 국가를 활용한 긴밀한 전략적 협력을 강조하고자 한다. 이를 위해 2004년 노무현 대통령의 인도 공식 방문 이후 2015년 1월 박근혜 대통령의 방문까지의 양국 간 전략적 협력 관계를 조명해 본다. 이에 따라 양국 관계는 이미 공개된 바와 같이 이는 사이버, 방산, 군사협력 및 정보교환 등의 분야로 구체화되고 있다. 일부는 이를 중국을 견제하는 양국 간의 협력이라고 평가하나, 본 논문은 특정 국가를 지목하기보다, 역내 중견국으로서의 전략적 관계 증진을 통한 역내 이익 보호에 있다고 평가한다. 특히 양국 간을 지리적으로 연결하는 해양을 통한 해양협력에 대한 논의를 추가한다. 예를 들면 역내 자연재난 구조작전(DR operation) 및 인도주의 지원작전(HA operation) 해양협력과 현재 진행되고 있는 아덴만 해적퇴치작전(Anti-piracy naval operation)이다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2022.11a
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• pp.359-361
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• 2022

최근 현대인의 영양불균형이 점점 심화됨에 따라 영양결핍과 비만의 위험도가 점점 증가하고 있다. 이에 따라 건강기능식품에 대한 관심이 증가하여 일반인들의 건강기능식품 소비가 증가하고 있지만, 적정섭취량에 비해 영양소를 과도하게 섭취 중이거나 영양제를 먹지만 정작 필요한 영양소를 섭취하지 못하는 경우가 빈번히 나타나고 있다. 이러한 문제를 해소하고자 본 논문에서는 7 일간 사용자가 섭취한 식단을 기반으로 부족한 영양소를 수치상으로 계산하여 개인 맞춤 영양제를 추천하는 시스템을 제안한다.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.169-178
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• 2024

This study aimed to investigate the effects of water depth and speed on the activation of lower muscles during squat exercises, utilizing electromyography(EMG). It involved ten male participants in there. Participants performed 30 squats over a minute at a speed of 60bpm and maximum speed squats until exhaustion within a minute. The Integrated electromyography(iEMG) readings for the rectus femoris showed statistically significant differences due to water depth and speed, with a significant interaction effect between depth and speed during squat exercises. The iEMG readings for the biceps femoris also showed statistically significant differences, with a significant interaction effect between depth and speed during squat exercises. The iEMG readings for the gastrocnemius showed statistically significant differences according to water depth and speed. However, the interaction effect of water depth and speed during squat exercises did not show a statistically significant difference. In contrast, the iEMG readings for the tibialis anterior demonstrated statistically significant differences, with a statistically significant interaction effect during squats. These findings suggest that water depth and speed positively influence the activation patterns of lower muscles. Therefore, appropriately tailored aquatic exercises based on water depth for individuals with musculoskeletal discomfort, including the elderly or those with physical impairments, can effectively reduce physical strain and enhance balance, as well as physical and perceptual aspects. It is concluded that such exercises could provide a safer and more effective method of exercise compared to ground-based alternatives.

• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.185-193
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• 2024

This study aimed to investigate the immediate physiological responses, including heart rate, blood pressure, and rate pressure product (RPP), following squat exercises performed at three water depths (ground, knee depth, waist depth) and two speed conditions (60bpm speed, Max speed). The participants consisted of 10 men in their 20s with over 6 months of resistance exercise experience. For the 60bpm speed squats, participants performed 30 repetitions in 1 minute at a rate of 2 seconds per repetition, while for Max speed squats, they performed at Max speed without a set limit on the number of repetitions for 1 minute. All experiments were conducted with a random assignment. The study results showed that immediately after the aquatic squat exercise, the average heart rate, blood pressure, and cardiac load were higher in the order of knee depth, ground level, and waist depth at both 60bpm speed and Max Speed. At 60bpm speed, the heart rate was higher in the order of ground level, knee depth, and waist depth. Overall, exercise in an aquatic environment was considered to impose relatively lower physical burden compared to land-based exercise. Therefore, it is suggested that depending on individual fitness levels and exercise goals, appropriately combining aquatic exercise, which imposes lower immediate physiological burden, and land-based exercise may lead to safer and more effective exercise methods.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.