• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.5
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• pp.71-83
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to find out the characteristics of landscape details in representing symbolic images in memorials on the themes of war, tragedy, and the democratization movement. In considering the characteristics of memorial landscapes, the researcher divided the characteristics of landscape details into 3 analysis categories. They are the symbolic application of landscape elements, the embodiment of landscape details, and the organization of landscape details to represent symbolic images, for example, memory, mourning, reflection, healing, glory, and identity. Among details in 24 memorials designed in or after 1970. 133 symbolic details were selected including 64 items in Korea. The analysis revealed that among 30 elements used by designers for memorialization, walls, ponds, sculptures were used more often than other elements in representing the meaning of mourning, reflection, and healing that are the basic function of memorial. In regard to detail form, the designers used basic shapes like circles, squares and rectangles, horizontal and vertical lines to heighten the symbolic effect of shapes in confined form. Stone and water utilized from nature were also used as main materials because of their materiality meaning of death, eternity, life, and healing. The techniques of using lighting, fire, and sound were introduced to make details more effective. Details were organized in harmony and repetition to represent the flew of time and space in symbolic images. The study identified the following characteristics of memorial landscapes in Korea that were different from other country first, in designing memorials, most designers in Korea have been more focused on the organization of space than the details in memorials, and so, they have been neglecting to deliver symbolic image through detail design, while depending mainly on the introduction of art works. Lastly, because they introduced traditional elements which have little relation with the symbolic image needed, there have been many details which inaccurately represent symbolic meanings.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.7
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• pp.37-64
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• 2009

The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.451-473
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• 2017

This study explores the aftermath of state violence and the meaning of its healing by analyzing testimony therapy designed to deal with trauma of the victims of May 18 democratization movement("May 18"). In order to have a point of view that May 18 had catastrophic impacts on many individuals and communities and to observe the after-effects of such event to individuals' lives, this study analyzed the contents of testimony therapy sessions of four people who were tortured, arrested and detained after their participating in May 18 in 1980. The experiences of those participants with their testimony therapy and the interactions they had with the audience during the sessions made sure what are the key factors to healing the trauma from state violence. Nineteen topics were drawn from analyzing the statements made in the therapy process, and out of them, seven subjects below were chosen as the most significant; 'repetitive pain', 'social and economic damage', 'isolation and disconnection', 'transition of suffering to other generations', and 'Safety', 'healing through connections', 'obligation as a survivor'. Based on its findings, this study also examined the characteristics of trauma caused by state violence and made suggestions for healing such trauma.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.223-261
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• 2019

This article is a reexamination of the feminist criminal narrative I wish for what is forbidden by Yang Gui-ja in the context of the rise of the women's movement and consumer culture of the middle class in Gangnam in the 1980s and 1990s. At this time, the explosive media culture served to strengthen the ideology that placed the middle-class family at the center as well as the consumption culture. The combination of consumer media culture, women's movement and democratization created a soft and domestic male image while visualizing the material foundation of the middle class in the 1990s of South Korea. In this novel, the domestic male image transforms the feminist criminal narrative into the narrative of the femme fatale attacking the stability and dignity of the middle class family, and at the moment of the transformation, the feminist woman Kang Min-ju is killed by a lower class man who has admired and loved her. This novel is not only current but also signifying as a text that overlaps sociocultural reproduction and feminist issues of the middle class based on Gangnam in the 1990s. This is because it shows the sociocultural context of femicide, such as serial murder of targeting women, as a core code of criminal narrative to be held in Korea since the late 1990s.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.227-234
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• 2019

Hyochang Park was the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, where were the tombs of Prince Munhyo and his birth mother Ui-bin Seong, king Soonjo's concubine Sook-Ui Park and Youngon princess by a concubine. It was upgraded from Hyochang tomb to Hyochangwon at King Gojong. The Japanese imperialism destroyed Hyochangwon and made it into a park, also moved to Seosamneung in 1944. After returning from Chongqing after liberation, Kimgu made the independence movement tomb in the empty space of Hyochang Park. There were 3 martyr's tomb, provisional government figure tomb. Kimgu himself was buried in Hyochang Park after his death in 1949. During the regime of Rhee Seung-man and Park Jeong-hee, there was a constant attempt to change the identity of Hyochang Park, where independence activists were buried. Hyochang Stadium, Wonhyo buddhist priest's Statue and North Korean Anti-Communist Tower were established. After democratization in 1987, the independence activist tomb of Hyochang Park began to gain meaning again. The 6th Republic succeeded the provisional government in the Constitution, also the national cemetery and independent park of Hyochang Park were attempted but the social consensus could not be achieved. This study focuses on the historical middle layer and symbolism of Hyochang Park and aims to contribute to social consensus on the identity of Hyochang Park by making a storytelling on the theme of 'Independence Road'.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.9-41
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• 2020

Park Jong-won's debut film "Guro Arirang," based on a short story of the same title by Lee Moon-yeol, is the first commercial film to deal with labor struggles from a worker's point of view in the wake of the 1987 democratic movement, and a pioneering work in terms of representing female workers the Korean cinema has traditionally turned away from. In this film Park Jong-won tried to win the sympathy of the middle class for labor movement in spite of the red scare which still stood firm in the Korean society at that time. To convey its progressive message in a form acceptable to the middle class public, the film portrays labor issues in the light of universal humanity and ethics, not in terms of class hostility or struggle. Park Jong-won calls this point of view "common sense of normal people" and emphasizes its universality and objectivity. This study critically examines the cinematic strategies to deal with labor issues in a form acceptable to the public in a conventional and commercial film and the ideological implications of the "common sense of normal people" reflected in such strategies. The first chapter of the study reveals that the film destroys the irony of the original story and reduces the complex constellation of the characters to the conflict between pure good and evil, creating a melodramatic composition in which the good falls victim to evil. The tragedies suffered by the workers in the film are of course intended to arouse the audience's strong sympathy and solidarity with them. The second chapter shows that the film's various scenes and episodes converge on the them of compassion and grief, and are mostly based on cultural and real experiences and events that caused great public sensations at that time. Especially in the last decisive scene of the movie, the memory of the June 1987 uprising is strongly recalled. So "Guro Arirang" can be seen as a patchwork of proven cases of compassion and grief. The third chapter examines the implications of the scene where the workers turn back demands for wages and put the issues of human treatment and trust to the forefront at the crucial moment of their struggle. It appeals to universal moral values and sentiments that everyone has to acknowledge and removes the political dimension from the workers' campaign. While the film tends to become a pure story of humanity marginalizing irreconcilable conflicts of class interest, the workers fall to the position of passive victims who can be deeply sympathetic on the one hand, and on the other, are idealized as leaders with noble attitude keeping themselves aloof from the hard reality. As a result, the movie loses its realistic ground and weakens its narrative probability. The scenes reminiscent of the 1987 uprising which evoke the solidarity between working and middle class fail to integrate harmoniously into the whole story of the film and remain only as fragmentary parts of the patchwork of compassion and grief.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.