• 제목/요약/키워드: Democratic control of the police

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A Study on the Reform of the Police in Korea: Focused on Institutional Approach

  • Kim, Taek;Jung, In Whan
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • 제10권3호
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    • pp.120-126
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    • 2022
  • As part of the police reform, the current government is trying to establish a police bureau under the Ministry of Public Administration and Security and improve the personnel management of the police. Like the prosecution bureau under the Ministry of Justice, the main goal of the police is to establish a police support bureau in the Ministry of Public Administration and Security to have personnel, budget, disciplinary action, and inspection. However, the government's control of police rights was opposed mainly by the "Police Workplace Council," which is like a police union, and even police officials agreed with it, and the opposition was severe. It is becoming a form of struggle between the government and police organizations. As a police major, I don't want to side with anyone and support the police. However, I thought about what democratic control of the police should be with, considered what the police reform plan is, and analyzed the legal and institutional aspects of the current police, and expressed the following issues. First, this paper is as follows: First, we considered what the democratic control of the police was. Second, We focused on reform measures such as the personnel system and institutional approach. Third, I presented my argument on what the police reform plan is.

A study on Causes and Improvements of the Police Corruption

  • Kim, Taek
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • 제9권1호
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    • pp.70-78
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    • 2021
  • It is true that the police have been faithful to the role of the regime's sewer and committed many disruptions and errors, and have been criticized and criticized by the public. It should now be the foundation of the democratic police and an organization supported by the people. The problem is that the quality, personality, and values of 130,000 police officers should be changed and should be in line with the spirit of the times. One of the theories of police corruption is the "rotten apple hypothesis." The theory is that there is a high possibility that the entire police force will be corrupted, as if the defective apple in the apple box is rotten and the whole apple is rotten, without filtering out potential corrupt police officers during the recruitment phase. In other words, the cause of corruption is based on personal flaws. This study intends to analyze the causes of police corruption and improvement measures. The purpose of this study is to ensure that police officers in charge of national security are usually armed with ethics and good conduct. The police should be trusted by the people and need a stronger prescription for police corruption. In this respect, this study aims to solve the corruption problem of police officials, analyze anti-corruption, and find out what are the desirable countermeasures. The main study methods of this study are as follows; First, we first tried to collect data through research on corruption-related literature. The analysis was focused on the related papers of police corruption and government reports. Second, police corruption theory and anti-corruption alternatives were analyzed. It was reviewed focusing on the theory of corruption or translated data. Third, a literature survey was analyzed to examine the National Police Agency's perception of police corruption. Based on these research methods, we tried to derive the desirable control measures for the hypothesis of police corruption. This study is believed to have contributed to supporting the organizational corruption and culture of the apple box, including the personality of the individual's values, which is a rotten apple theory of police corruption.

해양경찰의 하위문화가 조직갈등에 미치는 영향 (Effects of Korean Maritime Police Subculture on Organizational Conflict)

  • 임유석;김종길;유영현
    • 해양환경안전학회지
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    • 제22권6호
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    • pp.688-693
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    • 2016
  • 이 연구에서는 해양경찰조직 내에서 발생하는 다양한 갈등을 진단하고 더불어 갈등을 유발시킬 수 있는 해양경찰조직의 지배적인 주류문화와 다르게 형성되어 있는 하위문화에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 아울러 해양경찰조직 자체가 가지고 있는 관료제적 가치와 민주적 가치와의 균형이나 대립 그리고 모순으로 인한 보편화된 갈등과 마찰에 대해 논의하고자 한다. 해양경찰의 하위문화가 조직 갈등에 미치는 영향에 대한 분석결과를 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 냉소주의가 기능적 갈등에 미치는 영향 중에는 피조사자의 거짓말과 경찰에 대한 비신뢰성이 강할수록 기능적 갈등을 겪는 것으로 나타났고, 계층적 갈등에서는 경찰업무에 대한 비협조와 비신뢰성이 강할수록 계층적 갈등을 겪는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 남성주의가 기능적 갈등에 미치는 영향에서는 여자경찰관들은 남자경찰관들에 비해 직무수행 능력이 저조하기 때문에 갈등을 겪는 것으로 나타났고, 계층적 갈등에서는 여성경찰관의 직무범위를 축소하고 직무수행능력이 저조하여 갈등을 겪는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 변화거부주의가 기능적 갈등에 미치는 영향은 통계적으로 유의미하지 않으며, 상대적인 범죄통제 지향주의에서는 범죄의 통제를 위한 공격적인 태도와 범죄와 무관한 업무를 지양할 경우에 기능적 갈등에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났고, 계층적 갈등에서는 공격적인 태도와 범죄와 무관한 업무를 수행할 때에 계층적인 갈등을 겪는 것으로 나타났다.

검찰의 정치적 중립성 확보방안 연구 (A Study on the Securing Political Neutrality of the Prosecution Service)

  • 김택;정인환
    • 문화기술의 융합
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    • 제6권4호
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    • pp.59-66
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    • 2020
  • 본 논문은 검찰개혁에 대한 검사의 정치적 중립성 확보방안을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 우리나라 검찰은 막강한 권한을 가진다. 그동안 검찰은 수사권, 기소독점권, 경찰 수사지휘권을 가지고 통제받지 않는 무한 권력을 만끽하였다. 검찰은 초임 검사에서 검찰총장까지 일사불란하게 움직이는 초유의 동일체 기관이다. 한국검찰만큼 권력을 가진 기관은 타국에 없다. 그런데 이런 권력을 누리는 검찰은 민주적통제가 제대로 이루어지지 않아 검찰개혁이라는 시대적 과제에 놓여있다. 한국 역사에서 권력의 눈치를 보지 않고 앞만 보고 권력 부패에 대하여 장검도를 휘두르는 그런 검사가 있었는가. 지금까지 검찰은 정권의 눈치나 보고 정권 수사에 입맛에 맞는 수사를 하였고 그 반대급부로 검사들은 출세 가도를 달렸다. 그래서 역대 정권은 검찰의 정치적 중립성을 보장하려고 무던히 애썼다. 이와같이 검찰개혁의 진정성을 분석하기 위하여 법적인 논리를 고찰하고자 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 첫째, 검사 및 검찰 권한을 고찰한다. 둘째, 정부 검찰개혁의 내용을 고찰한다. 셋째, 검찰개혁의 방향을 정립한다.

The strengthening of democratic control over the authority of the superintendent of education in the Corona era

  • Park, Jong-Ryeol;Noe, Sang-Ouk
    • 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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    • 제26권6호
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    • pp.145-154
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    • 2021
  • 현재 추진하고 있는 교육부의 권한이 시·도교육청으로 배분되는 것을 환영하면서도 이것이 오히려 중앙 일개 기관에 집중되어 있던 권한을 현장에 더욱 가까운 지방 17개 기관으로 확대 증폭시키는 것이 되지 않을까 본인은 굉장히 우려하고 있다. 그간 학교교육을 저해하는 중요원인으로 교육부와 교육청이 공히 공동원인 제공자로 기능해 왔다. 교육부의 권한 이양은 기존 교육부의 기능과 역할의 양적 축소와 시·도 교육청 역할과 기능의 양적 확대로 귀결되는 순간 개악이 될 가능성이 높아진다. 학교자치에 대한 법적 장치도 마련되지 않은 현실에서 더욱이 수직적 관료행정 문화의 뿌리가 깊은 우리 교육계 풍토에서 학교자치 원칙을 강조하는 것은 말 뿐인 조치로 끝나거나 시늉내기 수준에서 멈춰버릴 가능성이 농후하다. 따라서 교육부의 권한을 넘겨받을 시·도교육청과 교육감의 권한을 견제할 수 있는 보다 안정적인 장치가 필요하다. 이는 학교자치가 법제화되어도 여전히 요구되는 제도이기도 하다. 따라서 독립적인 교육위원회 부활, 시·도 교육청에 지방교육위원회 설치, 주민참여제도(주민소환제, 주민직접발안제, 주민소송제, 주민투표제, 주민감사청구제도)의 활성화가 필요하다고 생각한다.

1980년대 민중미술론의 기원과 형성 (The Origin and Formation of Korean Public Art Theories in the 1980s)

  • 최열
    • 미술이론과 현장
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    • 제7호
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    • pp.37-64
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    • 2009
  • The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

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