• Title/Summary/Keyword: Democratic control of the police

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A Study on the Reform of the Police in Korea: Focused on Institutional Approach

  • Kim, Taek;Jung, In Whan
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.120-126
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    • 2022
  • As part of the police reform, the current government is trying to establish a police bureau under the Ministry of Public Administration and Security and improve the personnel management of the police. Like the prosecution bureau under the Ministry of Justice, the main goal of the police is to establish a police support bureau in the Ministry of Public Administration and Security to have personnel, budget, disciplinary action, and inspection. However, the government's control of police rights was opposed mainly by the "Police Workplace Council," which is like a police union, and even police officials agreed with it, and the opposition was severe. It is becoming a form of struggle between the government and police organizations. As a police major, I don't want to side with anyone and support the police. However, I thought about what democratic control of the police should be with, considered what the police reform plan is, and analyzed the legal and institutional aspects of the current police, and expressed the following issues. First, this paper is as follows: First, we considered what the democratic control of the police was. Second, We focused on reform measures such as the personnel system and institutional approach. Third, I presented my argument on what the police reform plan is.

A study on Causes and Improvements of the Police Corruption

  • Kim, Taek
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.70-78
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    • 2021
  • It is true that the police have been faithful to the role of the regime's sewer and committed many disruptions and errors, and have been criticized and criticized by the public. It should now be the foundation of the democratic police and an organization supported by the people. The problem is that the quality, personality, and values of 130,000 police officers should be changed and should be in line with the spirit of the times. One of the theories of police corruption is the "rotten apple hypothesis." The theory is that there is a high possibility that the entire police force will be corrupted, as if the defective apple in the apple box is rotten and the whole apple is rotten, without filtering out potential corrupt police officers during the recruitment phase. In other words, the cause of corruption is based on personal flaws. This study intends to analyze the causes of police corruption and improvement measures. The purpose of this study is to ensure that police officers in charge of national security are usually armed with ethics and good conduct. The police should be trusted by the people and need a stronger prescription for police corruption. In this respect, this study aims to solve the corruption problem of police officials, analyze anti-corruption, and find out what are the desirable countermeasures. The main study methods of this study are as follows; First, we first tried to collect data through research on corruption-related literature. The analysis was focused on the related papers of police corruption and government reports. Second, police corruption theory and anti-corruption alternatives were analyzed. It was reviewed focusing on the theory of corruption or translated data. Third, a literature survey was analyzed to examine the National Police Agency's perception of police corruption. Based on these research methods, we tried to derive the desirable control measures for the hypothesis of police corruption. This study is believed to have contributed to supporting the organizational corruption and culture of the apple box, including the personality of the individual's values, which is a rotten apple theory of police corruption.

Effects of Korean Maritime Police Subculture on Organizational Conflict (해양경찰의 하위문화가 조직갈등에 미치는 영향)

  • Lim, You-Seok;Kim, Jong-Gil;You, Young-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.688-693
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    • 2016
  • In this study, various conflicts in the maritime police organization were diagnosed and police subculture, which is different from dominant mainstream maritime police culture, was concluded to cause conflicts. In addition, maritime police conflicts and conflicts due to the balance, confrontation, and contradiction between bureaucratic and democratic values in the maritime police organization itself are discussed. The results of analysis on the effects of Maritime police subculture on organizational conflict are as follows: First, the influence of cynicism on functional conflict was explored. The higher the level of lies of the persons under investigation, the more functional conflict appeared. Also, if a person showed a low level of credibility among the police, this also led to functional conflict. In addition, if an individual showed low levels of cooperation and credibility with the police, this resulted in hierarchical conflict. Second, the influence of machismo on functional conflict was also explored. It was found that female officers experienced conflicts because of poorer job performance compared to male counterparts. In hierarchical issues, female officers experienced conflict over the reduced scope of tasks assigned to them and lower job performance ability. Third, the effect of non-acceptance of change in functional conflict was not statistically significant. An aggressive attitude toward crime control and rejecting jobs unrelated to crime influenced functional conflict, and an aggressive attitude and performing jobs unrelated to crime lead to functional conflict.

A Study on the Securing Political Neutrality of the Prosecution Service (검찰의 정치적 중립성 확보방안 연구)

  • Kim, Taek;Jung, In whan
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.6 no.4
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    • pp.59-66
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    • 2020
  • This paper considered the measures of securing political neutrality of the prosecutor on the reform of the prosecution. The nation's prosecution has enormous authority. In the meantime, the prosecution enjoyed unlimited power uncontrolled with investigative rights, prosecution monopoly, and police investigation command. No other country has as much power as the Korean prosecution. However, the prosecution, which enjoys such power, is placed on the task of reforming the prosecution due to poor democratic control. Has there been such a prosecutor in Korean history who only looks forward and wields long sword ehrflqtjdrhk against corruption in power? So far, the prosecution has conducted investigations that suit the administration's taste, and the prosecutors have been on the rise in return. That is why the previous administrations tried to ensure the political neutrality of the prosecution. As such, We would like to consider legal logic to analyze the sincerity of the prosecution reform. To this end, the first is to consider the authority of prosecutors and prosecutors. Second, consider the internal requirements of the government's reform of the prosecution. Third, establish the direction of prosecution reform.

The strengthening of democratic control over the authority of the superintendent of education in the Corona era

  • Park, Jong-Ryeol;Noe, Sang-Ouk
    • Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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    • v.26 no.6
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    • pp.145-154
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    • 2021
  • While welcoming the distributing of the powers of the Ministry of Education, which is currently being promoted, to the city and provincial offices of education, I am very concerned that this will expand and amplify the powers concentrated in one central institution to 17 local institutions closer to the field. Until now, the Ministry of Education and the Office of Education have served as co-cause providers as important reasons for hindering school education. The transfer of the authority of the Ministry of Education is highly likely to be deformed as soon as it results in the quantitative reduction of the functions and roles of the existing Ministry of Education and the quantitative expansion of the roles and functions of the city and provincial offices of education. In the reality that no legal device for school autonomy has been established, it is highly likely that emphasizing the principle of school autonomy in our educational climate, which is deeply rooted in the vertical bureaucratic administrative culture, will end with a simple measure or stop at the level of imitation. Therefore, a more stable device is needed to check the authority of the city and provincial office of education and the superintendent of education to take over the authority of the Ministry of Education. This is also a system that is still required even when school autonomy becomes legal. Therefore, it is necessary to revitalize the independent education committee, establish a local education committee in the city and province education office, and activate the resident participation system (resident proposal system, resident voting system, resident litigation system, resident audit request system).

The Origin and Formation of Korean Public Art Theories in the 1980s (1980년대 민중미술론의 기원과 형성)

  • Choi, Youl
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.7
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    • pp.37-64
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    • 2009
  • The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

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