• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.22-31
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• 2012

This study was prompted by the recognition that the tenn "Community design" has recently been used in diverse practical fields without prior discussion about its underpinnings, a potentially problematic state of affairs. Based on these problems, this study studied the special quality about the concept of community design. Community design can be discussed from two perspectives. The first views community design as a design that concerns the community, an inhabited area populated with people who have common interests, at least in part because of geographic proximity to each other. The second sees community design as a movement that started in the 1960s and places a great importance on democratic decision making, communication, and collaboration. This study will focus on the latter. This branch of community design encompasses an advocacy planning approach, in which design professionals represent deprived communities in their resistance against comprehensive redevelopment. This was associated to the wider social protest movements of the mid and late 1960s. In the 1970s, this branch of community design was developed alongside community design centers, which provided local-level technical assistance to the communities on a number of issues, such as design and planning. The discussion about community design started in earnest from the early 1980s. A review of the literature m community design reveals several characteristics. First, community design deals with the relationship between the physical environment and several aspects of a region, including the social and cultural. Second, it involves community participation, which many scholars believe is the core of community design. Specifically, community design has been characterized by increased participation and democratic debate and decision making. The Third is about communication methods. Since the 1960s, diverse methods had been developed to promote communication effectively. Finally, community design must consider the relationship between designers, who typically value aesthetics and efficiency of form, and the needs of the community with which they are working. Indeed, some scholars believe that this relationship is generally contentious, although the designer can also be thought of as the facilitator of the community's needs. As community design practice becomes more prevalent, a review of the foundation of institution and policy and the role of experts is also needed. The community design movement bas been theorized ex post facto through diverse discussion that has sought to ascribe meaning and direction to its practice. In other words, the relationship between this theory and practice is cyclical. Therefore, this study can contribute to the virtuous circle.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.33-84
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• 2017

This study deals with President Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression during the Yushin Regime in the 1970's and consists of case studies related to anti-democracy of the National Council for Unification Subject, illegality of President's emergency rule and oppression in the process of putting down Buma Uprising. The National Council for Unification Subject was an organization for presidential selection and institutionalized by the enactment of Yushin constitution. Emergency rule was carried into effect as a means to repressing college students and forces out of office for the president's long-term seizure of power. And Buma Uprising rose against violence in resistance to the Yushin regime and president Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression. These case analyses applied the aspects of causal relationship(birth and fall of Yushin Regime), legal system(Yushin constitution and president's emergency rule) and behavior(President Park's greed for dominance and oppression) for this study. The National Council for Unification Subject institutionalized through Yushin constitution and the Yushin regime formed by emergency rule enabled President Park to cling to long-term seizure of power by means of greed for dominance and oppression. After all, his failure to keep the spirit of the time and stepping stone for democratic constitutional government triggered Buma Uprising, a kind of anti-Establishment movement, and caused the fall of the Yushin regime.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.72-93
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• 2006

"Borderless village" is a kind of alternative social project to build a multi cultural community of migrant workers around Wongok-Dong, Ansan leaded by Ansan Migrant Center since 1999. We thought this project deserved attention from a view point of social sciences for such reasons as follows. (1)This project could give an opportunity for us to examine the concrete effects of globalization on local areas and responses of these areas to those ones. (2)This project was composed of theoretical concepts very similar to those of reflexive modernization theory. So by examining this project we could have a chance to judge the validity of the latter. (3)The process of making discourses on this project was very interesting. It looks like more democratic and constructive one than others. (4)This project proposed the problem of creating a new form or way of social movement different from so called 'old or new social movements.' Our provisional conclusion of this study was this project could be estimated as very creative and progressive one but it was too abstract to be realistic and effective yet.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.7-30
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• 2012

The advent of Social Journalism coincided with the rise of social media to create and deliver news information; as a type of civic journalism, social journalism may be characterized as a new form of information gathering and news reporting which is fed by citizens creating news information through their use social networking services (SNSs). The current study analyzed a Facebook page called, to determine how this page was utilized during the onset of the citizen movement for the Egyptian democratic revolution to produce news, to facilitate interaction among the public and to deliver the news under the form of networked journalism. Each post uploaded onto the Facebook page from January 27 till February 2, 2011 was coded in its category, content and the contextual frame of the news. The results of the study showed that during the first week, straight news rather than those with opinions was produced most frequently. The research findings of the current study suggest that in a society of political turmoil, such as in Egypt and other Arabic countries, when the institutionalized media are controlled severely by the government or other forces, SNSs can perform journalistic media roles which create and distribute news information representing facts and reality, and simultaneously facilitate the public's interactions on social and political issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

In April, 1995, ANC government was established in South Africa. The Black government set up Truth and Reconciliation Committee in November, 1995. The Committee investigated approximately 50,000 cases for 3years. Through this process, Black and White in SA could be united into one. Finally, the system of racial discrimination, lasting for about 300 years, was abolished. The Committee played a role as a social infra-structure, which was to perform and solidify democracy in SA. Reconciliation, agreement, Participation, equality, Communication, and Reformation of law system were practically implemented by the Committee. Many people evaluate TRC's activity, which had the reformative and democratic character of the object of investigation, investigative criterion, investigative process, and the approval of investigative result. But De Klerk evaluates that TRC retaliated the White with legal. J. Cronin evaluates that TRC transiently change democracy of the South Africa, and many other social movement groups had a negative view about TRC. But the Black and White in South Africa transformed 'discriminated society' into 'united one'. The Committee took the initiative in such a change. The Committee was not an organization needed for the policy, but the committee was the policy itself to change the former society to the new one. Now The ANC government was forwarding TRC's roles and functions to the truth and reconciliation bureau of the Justice Department for further action. The ANC government has to execute some policy for social reconciliation. Firstly, the government needs to build construction social and national system for making close investigation into the White's historical guilt. Secondly, it must be executed to TRC's recommendation pursuit social reform of social infra-structure in the South Africa. Thirdly, The government should execute policy for the Black's right as labors and social member. Lastly, the government must investigate still-remaining historic state violence and infringement of human right for social reconciliation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.69-92
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• 2020

This study describes the impact of early childhood teacher's artistic competence on art education pedagogy and improved curriculum design. Furthermore, the effect of drama as a way of improving early childhood teacher's artistic competence is explained. Many researchers have mentioned that early childhood is a period of sensitivity and potential. Therefore, it will be helpful if children meet a teacher who understands them and inspires their innate artistic sense at a level of their eyes. It explained which aspect of artistic competence should be focused for the teacher training education. There are many approaches to develop early childhood teachers' artistic competence. Adopting drama is one of them. The strong points of drama to improve their artistic competence are as follows. Firstly, human's movement and voice are the main artistic channel in drama. What we are doing in daily life is found are drama world. It means if early childhood teachers experience drama activity, they will feel more comfortable and intimate with it. In addition, early childhood teachers tend to be familiar with dramatic play, so they can more easily access to drama world. Secondly, drama will be helpful to understand different feelings and to broaden and deepen understandings of others' standpoints. For early childhood teachers, drama activity will be helpful to understand how dramatic art form works and to lead children's play in diversified and sincere way. In addition, drama activity will be useful to build horizontal and democratic relationships between children and the teacher. It is one of the main emphases of 2019 revised Nori national curriculum. To sum up, drama will be a excellent method to develop artistic competence for early childhood teachers. Thus, it is expected that They have more opportunities to experience drama as an art form.