• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.45-54
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• 2004

The Purpose of this study was to research and develop a Pattern of tight Pants, featuring excellent appearance, movement and suitability for the lower body, which are widely used as a basic item for modem dance, aerobic dance and dance sports, and to provide manufacturing data for the pants. This study was carried out with 118 People who majored in dance, using questionnaires asking questions about their understanding and preference of dancewear The experimental dancewear was produced, using 5 kinds of patterns for tight pants on the market, to find out the most excellent pattern in appearance and movement performance. Then, the most excellent pattern was again improved to produce a pattern for this study. The result of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Regarding shops where they purchased dancewear exclusive shops accounted for 97%, their average price was ￦30,000 to ￦50,000(51%), and dancewear separated between the upper and lower halves was most preferred(56%). Cotton span was preferably used for a dancewear material(71%), and their dissatisfaction of a fit accounted for 38% which appeared to be highly unsatisfied with its suitability. 2. When S types of experimental dancewear prepared with a comparative pattern were tested by the senses, it was shown that the comparative pattern of experimental wear number 5 with a strip w3s excellent in movement functions and appearance. 3. The basic items necessary to design the tight pants' study pattern were categorized into waist circumference, hip circumference, crotch depth and slacks length. The shrinkages of 15% in width, 10% in crotch length md 20% in inside leg length were applied, respectively, referring to previous studies and the experimental dancewears' comparative patterns. 4. When the improved study pattern for this study was tested by the senses, it showed higher scores in movement functions and appearance than the comparative pattern did, which confirmed the study pattern's improvement of functions and appearance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.5-31
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• 2018

The mask dance drama Goseong Ogwangdae's first act, Mundung Bukchum. The story is about a man who was born to the upper class but contracted leprosy, an incurable disease, due to his ancestors' accumulated sin. Although he is suffering, he is able to triumph over the disease through sinmyeong (catharsis) that is expressed through the wordless act of Mundung Bukchum. This thesis focuses on Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum, particularly the meaning, costume, accompanying music, and process of pedagogical transmission. The chronological characteristics of Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum are as follows. First, as time goes on, the number of dance motions in Mundung Bukchum has increased and the motions used have become reified. Second, I address the small barrel drum used in Mundung Bukchum and check how, through the drum, the changed expression of Mundung is shown.In a 1965 video introduced Mundung is grasping the drum and stick and the dance appears to be made up only of humorous motions. Also in a 1969 video, "Mundung Gwangdae," from the start Mundung is grasping the drum and stick. In 1988 in a video we can see the same scene as today, with the drum and stick sitting in the center of the stage at the start of the dance. We can also confirm that the same fourteen dance motions used today are present. Third, we can also confirm the changes in Goseong Ogwangdae's signature motion, baegimsae as time goes on. Observing the video from 1965, baegimsae does not appear in Mundung Bukchum. In 2000 we can clearly see the baegimsae performed once to the left and to the right while Mundung is squatting. Comparing 1969 to 1988, there is no symmetry in the motions, baegimsae is not done to both left and right, but only in one direction. Watching the record from 2000, the baegimsae motion is performed just as it is now, with the body thrown forward with a sharp push off the ground. Fourth I confirmed how the music used to accompany Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum has changed over time. In 1965 according to records of Mundung Bukchum's appearance, the dance was accompanied by the taryeong rhythmic pattern played on the usual four percussion instruments (barrel drum, hourglass drum, large gong, small gong). In the 1969 records of Mundung Bukchum the accompanying music is gutgeori rhythmic pattern performed on the usual four percussion instruments-an obvious difference. In 1988 the music with Mundung Bukchum is gutgeori rhythmic pattern transitioning into jajinmori rhythmic pattern. In 2000 the music with Mundung Bukchum includes the percussion instruments as well as taepyeongso (double reed oboe) playing gutgeori and jajinmori rhythmic patterns.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.427-463
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• 2016

This article deals with five main theories about the origin of Yeonwahdae(蓮花臺), a Korean court dance(jeongjae; 呈才) and its transmission process through the age from Chinese Dang(唐) and Song(宋) to Goryo(高麗) and Joseon(朝鮮) in Korea. As a result, it was found that there was a significant difference between Chinese Chaj-u(?枝舞) dance and Korean Yeonwahdae, and furthermore there was an enormous change as it came to Joseon period in the number of performer, costume and music. Therefore, it is seriously necessary to select, restore the main version of Yeonwahdae in each period, and to make an effort to create new version of Yeonwahdae that reflects the spirit and taste of our time. Besides, it is important to inherit the inner spirit of Yeonwahdae as well as its outer appearance. Shortly, the main purpose of Yeonwahdae performance at present should be to reflect the most important, urgent issues of our time thereby to pray the welfare and prosperity of our country.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.385-421
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• 2019

Ulsan Dutbeki, naturally transmitted by customs, is almost disappearing in the rapidly changing environment of modern society. Therefore, this study, for the purpose of its inheritance, investigated how to teach the basic movements of Dutbeki through the lessons. The subject were mainly composed of the person who met Ulsan Dutbeki for the first time. The curriculum is, at first, the preparation of body and mind to learn Ulsan Dutbeki. And the lessons about movement were in the order of progress of education, Dutbeki to the beat of Gutgeori, and Dutbeki to the beat of Jajinmori. The next step was to learn the dancing by connecting movements. This process is a way for beginners to inherit Ulsan Dutbeki in a classroom which has a limited time and space. The reason for studying how to teach Ulsan Dutbeki dance is for the purpose of transmitting the intangible culture to the ordinary citizens in the reality that people are under cutting off from inheriting the dance which had been transmitted by customs in the past. The performance of this study is to examine the way to teach basic movements with a view to protect Dutbeki, Ulsan's intangible culture, and pass it on to citizens.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.13-25
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• 2021

Hoseonmu belongs to the genre of a composite of song, music, and dance. At that time, there was no widely known record of Hoseonmu in Baekje, but it is clear that it was popular enough to be invited to Changan by Emperor Yang of Sui. The musical instruments, songs, and dances were analyzed through the research method of literature and the content of the Hoseonmu version was established. The setting of the stage for the performance of Baekje instrumental music reveals its characteristics through sabangak from Gigaku in the neighboring countries. The stage for Hoseonmu was set up utilizing the creation of the imperial performance stage in the Baekje instrumental music. In particular, Hoseonmu has two types: heavenly and earthly. The heavenly Hoseonmu can be found on the wall of the Cave No. 220 formed in the Chodang (618-707) era. They include Dongbang Pharmacopoeia jingbian and Western Paradise jingbian. Hoseonmu would have chosen to be the fast-paced spinning dance. Motions for Hoseonmu could be set up through them. Meanwhile, Mimaji's instrumental dance is presented. Six dancers appear in two turns of the performance. Four dancers in front row and other two in the back are dressed up as hunters, wearing goblin masks, and holding flowering plum tree branches in their right hands. Through this, the movements and costumes of Hoseonmu are reproduced in more detail. Various sectors of education, theater, dance, and tourism in the Hoseonmu contents of Baekje instrumental music contributed to the Korean Wave.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.471-508
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• 2017

The basic intent of this thesis lies in proposing a meaningful direction of developing cultural content by combining Asian traditional dance forms which hold cultural closeness in common historically. For this study, this paper selected Oyangseon(五羊仙; 'Five Taoist Hermits on Five Sheep'), a Korean court dance of Chinese origin as an example as the Oyangseon story is commonly found in ancient Vietnam and China as well as Korea. Its original narrative is a mythic story that five hermits had come down to ancient Vietnam region riding on five sheep of five colors to bestow 6 ears of milets to people. Later, the story was spread to other regions to be reformed into Woljeongjeon(越井傳; Vietnam), Choi Wee(崔?; China) and Oyangseon(Korea) that have different plot and background. While Woljeongjeon and Choi Wee were adapted into novels that describe the hero Choi Wee's mysterious adventure to be repaid his father's previous devotion to ancient King's shrine. Meanwhile, the epic narrative of Korean Oyangseon proves the modification of the original myth by adding a Seowangmo(西王母; a Chinese mythic heavenly queen) motif while it was enacted as a court dance to praise king's long life and pray country's prosperity following Confucian concept. Based on this historical lineage of Oyangseon story, I searched for the possiblity of constructing a cultural content program by combining the Oyangseon dance of three countries. While there was Oyangseonmu(五羊仙舞) in China which was recently composed by referring to Korean Oyangseon, any traditional dance item based on Oyangseon story was not available in Vietnam. Thus, I tried to propose the Vietnam Dance College to choreograph a new dance item with Woljeongjeon story while using the traditional dance technique, music, costume, etc. of Vietnam as most as possible. As a result, I could display a direction of developing a cultural content by staging three countries' dance items based on Oyangseon story at Korean National Haneul Theater in Oct 2016.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.175-185
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• 2010

This article aims to compare the implications of masked dance in Hahoe with Gangneung masquerade and analyze them, in terms of the transition of the rituals. The results are as followings; Byulsin exorcism of Hahoe was the worship for God who people believe protects us from the evil. However, from the making of the mask in Hahoe masquerade. The movement of the dance features the spontaneous, changeable, depending on atmosphere of the stage or the host of the performance. Hahoe masquerade has the religious suggestion in the organization; it is one of the festivals, wishing for peace, good harvest of the village, in the content of the performance. From the roles of casts, the implications of the rituals are inferred; such the characters as Yangbankwangdae, Somaekaksi, Sisittakttaki, and Jangjamari have the implication of the repelling. But, the movement of the masked dance lost the original fashion in the process of restoration and faced the change. Therefore, most of the movements are tuned to falk of Gangneung; it doesn't have essence of the rituals. Finally, Gangneung masquerade has a factor of amusement of the Dano festival, wishes for well-being, good harvest of the village and includes the ritual of a guardian deity of the town, like the tutelary masquerade.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.551-560
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• 2014

In this study, we have focused on various types of costumes for traditional Ganggangsullae and daily dance Ganggangsullae. To analyze their costumes, spot photographs of Ganggangsullae contests from 2011 and 2013 were collected from the Department of Culture and Tourism, Jindo County Office and the Jeonnam Information & Culture Industry Promotion Agency. Costumes were analyzed by categorising them as type, shape and color. Traditional Ganggangsullae costumes are two types: traditional hanbok and saenghwal hanbok. Traditional hanbok design dates back to the late Joseon dynasty and saenghwal hanbok design to the middle Joseon Dynasty. They reflects confucianism, a male-dominated society, totemism, shamanism and Yin-Yang and the five elements theory in agrarian society and community life. Daily dance Ganggangsullae has various types of costumes such as the fusion hanbok, saenghwal hanbok, cheering uniform and casual wear. They show modern color schemes. There is not any magical meaning from Yin-Yang and the five elements theory. Instead, they have individualism, liberty, equality and welfare in information-oriented society. So its costumes are easy and comfortable clothes. But traditional hanbok, fusion hanbok and saenghwal hanbok are inspired from Korean identiry. Even though traditional Ganggangsullae and daily dance Ganggangsullae have different costumes and ideology, they have a common denominator 'playfulness.' It will function as a key for Ganggangsullae to be performed continuously over the period.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.