• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.48
• /
• pp.305-335
• /
• 2024

In the 7th and 8th centuries, Chinese Buddhism was at its peak, and major sects emerged and began to differ from one another in significant ways. This fact was also revealed through several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks and changes observable in the peculiarity of their formats. In the early 6th century, Huijiao (慧皎) compiled Gaosengzhuan (高僧傳, Biographies of Eminent Monks) which contains the history of Buddhism after it was introduced to China. At this time, he established a new format called the ten-subjects (十科). In 645, Daoxuan (道宣) used these ten-subjects as the basic framework to compile Xu-Gaosengzhuan (續高僧傳). However, by modifying and supplementing some parts of the ten-subjects, he standardized the ten-subjects into a format suitable for historiography. After the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks were compiled in a format that further modified the ten-subjects. Fazang (法藏) wrote Huayanjing zhuanji (華嚴經傳記, 690?) which consisted of the ten-subjects, but the names and meanings of the subjects changed significantly to emphasize the Avatamsaka philosophy. Subsequently, while compiling Hongzan fahuazhuan (弘贊法華傳, 706?), Huixiang (惠詳) compiled a newly modified list of eight-subjects based on the ten-subjects of Gaosengzhuan and Xu-Gaosengzhuan. Sengxiang (僧詳) compiled Fahua xhuanji (法華傳記, 750?) in the format of twelve-subjects which added two new subjects to the ten-subjects of the Huayanjing zhuanji. These two formats focused on faith rather than philosophy. Even in the Chan (Zen) schools, a series of Biographies of the Eminent Monks was compiled from the beginning of the 8th century. Chuan fabaoji (傳法寶紀, 713?), Lengqui shiziji (楞伽師資記, 713?), Lidai fabaoji (歷代法寶記, 774), and Baolin zhuan (寶林傳, 801) are all examples of such compilations. However, the format of these four Biographies of the Eminent Monks was completely different from prior versions. Without setting any subjects, the authors established and described a dharma lineage transmitted continually from master to disciple. This is because Chan Buddhism does not rely on Buddhist texts but focuses on monks achieving realization through other means. At first, only the Chinese patriarchs were listed, but starting with Baolin zhuan, 27 patriarchs including Buddha and Kasyapa were included in the dharma lineage and presented as history. This fictional lineage was based on the need to secure sectarian superiority and legitimacy as Chan Buddhism flourished.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.219-257
• /
• 2024

In this article The Woodcutter and the Fairy (나무꾼과 선녀) and Snake Bridegroom (구렁덩덩 신선비) are compared to explore the principles of conflict and harmony reflected in the 'separation-reunion' structure. These two works center on relationships; couples formed by the union of a divine being and an ordinary being. The woodcutter and his third daughter are the representatives of ordinary beings, while the fair maiden and the fresh rain are the representatives of divine beings, and the narrative emphasizes that the members of each couple are existentially different. This article focuses on the problems that arise due to existential differences in such relationships. Thus, in section 2, the narratives of The Woodcutter and the Fairy and Snake Bridegroom are shown to be based on the same structure. If the narrative of both works is analyzed centered on the relationship problem of couples, the sequence can be summarized as '(appearance and search) - encounter - connection - separation - reunion - test - passage.' And in this structure, the core of the narrative is especially contained in the 'separation-reunion' stage. The structure of a spouse leaving (separation) and a spouse returning (reunion) implies a reflection on the points that cause discord in a couple's relationship and the points that make unity possible. Accordingly, this article explores the narrative differences in the failure and success of reconciliation by examining how the 'leaver' and 'left-behind' spouses respond to this issue. In other words, it examines the factors that drive the process of relationship-change in the narratives of the two works, and attempts to capture the principles of reconciliation by capturing the causes of discord and the forces that bring about reconciliation. Through this, it can be found that The Woodcutter and the Fairy and Snake Bridegroom are works that convey the realization that a couple can continue their relationship by understanding and caring for the wishes of the world or the wishes of the other person. In other words, the two works tell readers that it is difficult to reach harmony through the will to continue the relationship, and that listening to the wishes of the world or one's spouse opens the way to true harmony.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.295-329
• /
• 2024

This article reveals their theoretical differences by examining the interpretation of the mind theory of Cho Geung-seop (1873~1933) and Kwak Jong-seok (1846~1919). The characteristic of Cho Geung-seop's mind theory is that it is simhapligi (心合理氣 the mind is a combination of principles and internal energy). It is a position to recognize the role and status of Gi as an action while also acknowledging Li as the presidency of mind. In this theory, Li can exist only when there is Gi, and the presidency mind is thereby possible. For this reason, Cho Geung-seop criticized Kwak Jong-seok, who insisted on simjeokli (心卽理 the mind is precisely principles) from the perspective of simhapligi. The characteristic of Kwak Jong-seok's theory of mind lies in simjeokli. Although the mind is not without Gi, it is because of Li that the mind can preside over one body such that it can be described as simjeokli. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop, who insisted on simhapligi from the perspective of simjeokli. In addition, their theories of mind leads to problems of perception, such as whether to see perception as a Gi or a Li. If Cho Geung-seop could be said to have interpreted the perception of deliberation as spiritual Gi, then Kwak Jong-seok interpreted the perception as spiritual Li. According to Cho Geung-seop, the perception of mind is possible due to "spiritual Gi," and at this time, the action of spiritual Gi is the perception of the mind. In the end, there is a perception action corresponding to spiritual Gi. Thereby, the mind should not be interpreted directly as a Li in Kwak Jong-seok's theory. According to Kwak Jong-seok, perception is possible by applying the novelty of Li to the mind. The perception of mind is not the action of spiritual Gi as it is in Cho Geung-seop's model, but it is rather the result of spiritual Li making it new. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop for not knowing simjeokli properly because he understood the perception of mind as an action of Gi.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.401-432
• /
• 2024

This article examines the types of "wind (바람)" accepted in sijo (three-verse poems), focusing on the accepted pattern, and investigating its role and meaning. The summary is as follows: first of all, the works of "wind" were accepted in the sijo, and the total number of works was 620. There were 459 short sijo, and 161 long sijo. On the other hand, 148 authors wrote on "The Wind," and in the Late Joseon Dynasty, 90 authors composed 265 poems, the most. In the Early Joseon Dynasty, 50 poets composed 111 poems. Most of them were civil officials, and 170 poems were identified. Next, the aspect of jang (章) was confirmed to occur 684 times in total, with 632 instances of being single uses and 52 instances of duplication. Meanwhile, the core of the sijo, the first sentence of the last chapter, contains 'wind (바람)' 34 times in 25 words. And in terms of the aspect of the particle combined with 'wind,' the nominative particle appeared the most at 113 instances, and the auxiliary particle 'eun/neun (은/는)' was the most numerous at 58 instances. As for the types of wind contained in sijo, there are 6 major categories: 106 medium categories, with the total frequency is 688. 'Singular' appears 133 times in 6 words, and 'combination' appears 121 times in terms of total frequency. The combination with terrestrial objects was the most frequent at 79 times, and the combination with 'heavenly' objects was 75 times with 3 words, and 'mixture' indicated a mixture of several objects, with 7 words occurring 42 times. Second the literary acceptance and role of 'wind' in Sijo was examined. First, 'acceptance' and the role as a medium for conveying ideas, acceptance and the role as the development of ideas, and acceptance and role of literary expression. Through this, it can be seen that 'wind' in Sijo was accepted in literature and played a major role. Lastly, the role and meaning of wind in Sijo can be seen in the fact that it remains differentiated from other form of ancient literature or other genres. It serves as a literary device that effectively expresses the theme, and the scope of the material accepted in Sijo was expanded through wind.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.27
• /
• pp.171-200
• /
• 2016

This paper will analyze the filial piety based ethics of Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會) and the traditional filial piety of Confucianism (儒敎), Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎) through comparing and contrasting their unique systems. The traditional Korean ethics regarding filial piety are in great need of reformation as the relationship between the parents and children should not be vertical or unilateral but parallel and reciprocal. However, there have not been sufficient in-depth studies on this specific ideology and alternative approaches. Regarding this prospect, one representative Korean indigenous new religion, Daesoonjinrihoe has emerged and directly engages in the collision between traditionalism and modernity. The modernity of Daesoonjinrihoe, enables the observation of how the filial piety based ethics have developed within a system of doctrine and thereby provides an exemplary model of traditional filial piety reimagined in accordance with modern sensibilities. A brief summary of comparative findings is as follows: First, Daesoonjinrihoe and Confucianism have taken serving parents with respect as an ethic within filial piety, but Confucianism engenders this ideal through the unilateral and unconditional sacrifice of younger people based on patriarchal feudalism whereas Daesoonjinrihoe has rejected such unilateral sacrifice and instead promotes mutual beneficience between parents and children. This difference occurs, in part, due to the filial piety of Confucianism rising in the midst of the feudal order whereas the ideology of Daesoonjinrihoe contains ideals such as "the reciprocation of favor for mutual beneficence (報恩相生)" and "respect for humanity (人尊)," both of which serve as key principles of the new religious world as envisioned by Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, filial piety in Buddhism and Taoism tends to be passive and inactive and is often expressed by praying for happiness and longevity for one's parents while they are alive and later praying for the heavenly rebirth of one's parents after they die. The filial piety of Daesoonjinrihoe also partially contains such ideas, however; they are extended much further and arrive upon novel and profound expressions. The spectrum of the filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe expands to the extent children perform actions to resolve their parent's sins and pave a new road for their parents. This filial piety requires a cultivation practice from both parents and children. This system of dual cultivation was established because the world-view of Daesoonjinrihoe enables both parents and children to enjoy happiness and wealth both of which are achieved through the completion of religious objectives following cultivation practice. Third, Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe hold memorial services for ancestors with sincerity as an expression of filial piety. Filial piety in the Confucian context excludes ideas from Shamanism and thereby memorial services are held for impersonal entities, however; in the Daesoonjinrihoe context, memorial services are held for personal-entities. Accordingly, holding a memorial service for ancestors with sincerity has a greater sense of realism in Daesoonjinrihoe than it does in Confucianism. Fourth, while Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe both aim to requite the grace received from ancestors, the contents of grace and reciprocation of favors (報恩) are viewed differently. In Confucianism, since the ancestors existed previously and bestowed the gift of life to their children and indirectly, all of their descendents. Therefore, memorial services for ancestors are held to convey gratitude and filial piety. However, in Daesoonjinrihoe, ancestors not only bestowed the gift of earthly life to their descendents, in the spirit realm, ancestral spirits also spend sixty years accumulating the merit necessary to imbue each of their descendents with spiritual insight. Consequently, filial piety is expressed through memorial services as well as spiritual cultivation. Fifth, in Confucianism, achieving the fame and prestige indicative of success in the mundane world can be an act of filial piety as it would bring pride to one's ancestors, but in Daesoonjinrihoe, succeeding in religious objectives through spiritual cultivation is considered to be a higher form of filial piety. Sixth, Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism all observe filial piety as system of familial ethics based in morality. This is likewise true of Daesoonjinrihoe, however; Daesoonjinrihoe confers greater importance on filial piety as an essential form of ethics for religious redemption. This is due to the Daesoon interpretation that the absence of filial piety was the direct cause which led to the sickened state of the world and its collapse. Forgetting the grace of parents who have given the gift of life or the grace of ancestral spirits who have accumulated merit on behalf of their descendents are acts of ingratitude which are unacceptable during the period of Reordering of the Universe. Judging from these findings, Daesoonjinrihoe embraces parts of traditional filial piety as it exists in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, but it does so on the ground of its own unique culture. Through re-interpretation and re-creation, ideas regarding filial piety are being further developed. Namely, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe is regulations founded upon the reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence and respect for humanity. Therefore, it is understood as a concept wherein one's own cultivation practice is performed in order to reach religious objectives, the perfection of personal character, and spiritual insight. This requires that even recipents of filial piety (i.e., parents) perform certain cultivation practices to enjoy happiness and wealth. Additionally, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe manifests a reinforced religious character and also serves as a system ethics which is soteriologically essential for salvation during the period known as the Reordering of the Universe.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.227-266
• /
• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."