• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cutting State

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The Study of Bone Healing Response According to the Various Surfaces of the Implant in the Mandible of the Mature Dog (성견 하악골에 식립한 다양한 임플란트 표면에서의 골 치유 양상에 관한 연구)

  • Lim, Hyun-Pil;Kim, Yong-Hak;Vang, Mong-Sook;Yang, Hong-So;Park, Sang-Won;Choi, Hong-Ran
    • Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.125-137
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    • 2009
  • There are many reports that these implant surface treatments may affect to cellular reaction in the surface of implant. This study was done by installing the 8 type implant with the variable surface treatment, used or developed, in the mandible of the mature dog to evaluate how the method of surface treatment of the implant can affect to the bone healing by analyzing histologically and histomorphometrically and find out bone healing appearance periodically after installing implant. By using the 8 type implants which have the different surface treatment, 72 implants were installed on the mandible of 9 mature dogs, and 3 dogs were sacrificed on every 2, 4, 8 weeks. After making bone fragment by cutting and managing, we analyzed histologically, then compared with BIC(Bone to implant contact) for the histomorphometrical analysis. In the result of histological analysis, there was large amount of bone formation in good state on the adjacent area of implant in the 2 weeks testing group. At 4 weeks, although there was general bone formation, the new bone was separated with the basal bone. At 8 weeks, the new bone became matured and connected tightly to the basal bone. There was no difference in the each surface of 8 implants. In the result of histomorphometrical analysis, 2 weeks group had considerably lower value than 4 and 8 weeks group, and there was no difference between 4 and 8 weeks group. There was no difference in the each surface treatment of implants.

Project of Improving Good Agriculture Practice and Income by Intergrated Agricultural Farming (미얀마 우수농산물 재배기술 전수사업)

  • Lee, Young-Cheul;Choi, Dong-Yong
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.193-206
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    • 2014
  • The objectives of the project are to increase farmers' income through GAP and to reduce the loss of agricultural produce, for which the Korean partner takes a role of transferring needed technologies to the project site. To accomplish the project plan, it is set to implement the project with six components: construction of buildings, installation of agricultural facilities, establishment of demonstration farms, dispatching experts, conducting training program in Korea and provision of equipments. The Project Management Committee and the Project Implementation Team are consisted of Korean experts and senior officials from Department of Agriculture, Myanmar that managed the project systematically to ensure the success of the project. The process of the project are; the ceremony of laying the foundation and commencing the construction of training center in April, 2012. The Ribbon Cutting Ceremony for the completion of GAP Training Center was successfully held under PMC (MOAI, GAPI/ARDC) arrangement in SAl, Naypyitaw on June 17, 2012. The Chairman of GAPI, Dr. Sang Mu Lee, Director General U Kyaw Win of DOA, officials and staff members from Korea and Myanmar, teachers and students from SAl attended the ceremony. The team carried out an inspection and fixing donors' plates on donated project machineries, agro-equipments, vehicles, computers and printer, furniture, tools and so forth. Demonstration farm for paddy rice, fruits and vegetables was laid out in April, 2012. Twenty nine Korean rice varieties and many Korean vegetable varieties were introduced into GAP Project farm to check the suitability of the varieties under Myanmar growing conditions. Paddy was cultivated three times in DAR and twice in SAl. In June 2012, vinyl houses were started to be constructed for raising seedlings and finished in December 2012. Fruit orchard for mango, longan and dragon fruit was established in June, 2012. Vegetables were grown until successful harvest and the harvested produce was used for panel testing and distribution in January 2013. Machineries for postharvest handling systems were imported in November 2012. Setting the washing line for vegetables were finished and the system as run for testing in June 2013. New water tanks, pine lines, pump house and electricity were set up in October 2013.

A Study on the Excavated Sab(a funeral fan) from Lime-filled Tomb and Lime-layered Tomb during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 회격·회곽묘 출토 삽(翣)에 대한 고찰)

  • Yi, Seung Hae;An, Bo Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.43-59
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    • 2008
  • Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

A Study on the Types and Changes of the King's Amusement Activities through 『Annals of The Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)』 (『조선왕조실록(朝鮮王朝實錄)』을 통해 본 왕의 위락활동 유형과 변천)

  • Kang, Hyun-Min;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyun-Wuk;Ma, Yi-Chu;Han, Rui-Ting
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.4
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    • pp.39-49
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    • 2018
  • "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" is a book recording the Joseon Dynasty's historical facts in an annalistic format. The King's amusement activities through "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" which were established by the Ye-ak(禮樂) system were analyzed. The results are as follows. The king's amusement activities that were performed during the Joseon Dynasty period could be classified as state banquets, military banquets, and banquets for play. The analysis of the king's amusement activity was divided into five stages. The characteristic of [1 period : King Taejo~Sejo(Yejong)] was dominated the military banquets of the Goryeo Dynasty. Neo-Confucianism is the establishment of political and social turning of the ballast, considerations of military culture, culture, and Hoeryeyeon Jinpungjeong, a cloud of dust and elders banquets such as Giroyeon and Yangnoyeon on the nature of the party. A lasting ordinance was institutionalized[2 period : King Seongjong~Jungjong]. In the chopper and jeongyujaeran, Hong Kyung Rae led a royal amusement activities are stagnant, often produce isolated storage compute in the gloomy situation[3 period : King Injong~Hyeonjong]. Revival period is pride of the amusement activity through the culture of Joseon Dynasty royal culture [4 period : King Sukjong~Jeongjo]. The throne, crashed due to political power is an ebb of royal amusement activities, while also rapidly waning[5 period : King Seonjo~Seonjong]. During the early Joseon Dynasty, hunting took place around the forest area northeast of Hanyang and during King Seongjong's period, it took place closer to the capital city, while in Lord Yeonsan's period, it was expanded to a 39 kilometer radius area from the palace, and banquets such as various forms of entertainment of Cheoyongmu, and Flower-viewing. The Joseon kings who enjoyed hunting were King Sejong, Sejo, Seongjong, Yeonsan, and Jungjong. Most of hunting objects were tigers, bears, deer and roe deer, leopards, boars, their animals and falconry took, and the purpose of the hunting was to perform ancestral rites to the royal ancestry or the royal tombs. Lord Yeonsan's hunting activities had negative effects after King Jungjong the king's hunting activity decreased sharply. However, there were also positive aspects of Lord Yeonsan's Prohibition of cutting woods ect. In conclusion, the expansion of the King's garden(庭:courtyard${\rightarrow}$園:privacy garden${\rightarrow}$苑:king's garden${\rightarrow}$苑?:national hunting park) is evident which starts from formal and informal activities that took place in Oejo, Chijo, and Yeonjo, which went further to the separate and secret gardens, and then even further, thus setting the amusement activity area as a 39 kilometer radius range from Hanyang.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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