• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.291-300
• /
• 2005

Two experiments were carried out to assess the appropriate incubation conditions namely; duration, moisture content and the ideal microbial inoculant for fermented dried food waste(EW) offered to broilers. The nutrient utilization of birds fed the FW diets at varying dietary inclusion rates was also compared with a control diet. In Experiment 1, different moisture contents(MC) of 30, 40, 50 and $60\%$ respectively were predetermined to establish the ideal duration of incubation and the microbial inoculant. A 1mL Aspergillus oryzae(AO) $(1.33\times10^5\;CFU/mL)$ was used as the seed inoculant in FW. This results indicated that the ideal MC for incubation was $40\~50\%$ while the normal incubation time was > 72 hours. Consequently, AO seeds at 0.25, 0.50, 0.75 and 1.00mL were inoculated in FW to determine its effect on AO count. The comparative AO count of FW incubated for 12 and 96 hours, respectively showed no significant differences among varying inoculant dosage rates. The FW inoculated with lower AO seeds at 0.10, 0.05 and 0.01mL were likewise incubated for 72 and 96 hours, respectively and no changes in AO count was detected(p<0.05). The above findings indicated that the incubation requirements for FW should be $%40\~50\%$ for 72 hours with an AO seed incoulant dosage rate of 0.10mL. Consequently, in Experiment II, after determining the appropriate processing condition for the FW, 20 five-week old male Hubbard strain were used in a digestibility experiment. The birds were divided into 4 groups with 5 pens(1 bird per pen). The dietary treatments were; Treatment 1 : Control(Basal diet), Treatment 2 : $60\%$ Basal+4$40\%$ FW, Treatment 3 : $60\%$ $Basal+20\%\;FW+20\%$ AFW(Aspergillus oryzae inoculate dried food-waste diet) and Treatment 4: $60\%$ Basal+$40\%$ Am. Digestibility of treatment 2 was lowed on common nutrients and amino acids compared with control(p<0.05) and on crude fat and phosphorus compared with AFW treatments(T3, T4)(plt;0.05). Digestibility of treatment 3 and 4 increased on crude fiber and crude ash compared treatment 2 (p<0.05). Digestibility of control was high on agrinine, leucine, and phenylalnine of essential amino acids compared with treatment 3 and 4(p<0.05), and diestibility of treatment 3 and 4 was improved on arginine, lysine, and threonine of essential amino acids. Finally, despite comparable nutrient utilization among treatments, birds fed the dietary treatment containing AO tended to superior nutrient digestion to those fed the $60\%$ Basa1+$40\%$ FW.

• Korean Journal of Veterinary Research
• /
• v.36 no.4
• /
• pp.783-794
• /
• 1996

It has been suggested that ion transport systems are intimately involved in mediating the effects of growth regulatory factors on the growth of a number of different types of animal cells in vivo. The functional importance of the apical membrane $Na^+/H^+$ antiporter in the renal proximal tubule is evidenced by estimates that this transporter mediates the reabsorption of approximately one third of the filtered load of sodium and the bulk of the secretion of hydrogen ions. This study was designed to investigate the pathway utilized by IGF-I in regulating sodium transport in primary cultured renal proximal tubule cells. Results were as follows : 1. $Na^+$ was observed to accumulate in the primary cells as a function of time. Raising the concentration of extracellular NaCl induced an decrease in $Na^+$ uptake compared with control cells in a dose dependent manner. The rate of $Na^+$ uptake into the primary cells was about two times higher in the absence of NaCl($40.11{\pm}1.76pmole\;Na^+/mg\;protein/min$) than in the presence of 140mM NaCl($17.82{\pm}0.94pmole\;Na^+/mg\;protein/min$) at the 30 minute uptake. 2. $Na^+$ uptake was inhibited by IAA($1{\times}10^{-4}M$) or valinomycin($5{\times}10^{-6}M$) treatment($50.51{\pm}4.04$ and $57.65{\pm}2.27$ of that of control, respectively). $Na^+$ uptake by the primary proximal tubule cells was significantly increased by ouabain($5{\times}10^{-5}M$) treatment($140.23{\pm}3.37%$ of that of control). When actinomycin D($1{\times}10^{-7}M$) or cycloheximide($4{\times}10^{-5}M$) was applied, $Na^+$ uptake was decreased to $90.21{\pm}2.39%$ or $89.64{\pm}3.69%$ of control in IGF-I($1{\times}10^{-5}M$) treated cells, respectively. 3. Extracellular cAMP decreased $Na^+$ uptake in a dose-dependent manner($10^{-8}-10^{-4}M$). IBMX($5{\times}10^{-5}M$) also inhibited $Na^+$ uptake. Treatment of cells with pertussis toxin(50pg/ml) or cholera toxin($1{\mu}g/ml$) inhibited $Na^+$ uptake. Extracellular PMA decreased $Na^+$ uptake in a dose-dependent manner(1-100ng/ml). 100 ng/ml PMA concentration significantly inhibited $Na^+$ uptake in IGF-I treated cells. However, staurosporine($1{\times}10^{-7}M$) had no effect on $Na^+$ uptake. When PMA and staurosporine were added together, the inhibition of $Na^+$ uptake was not observed. In conclusion, sodium uptake in primary cultured rabbit renal proximal tubule cells was dependent on membrane potentials and intracellular energy levels. IGF-I stimulates sodium uptake through mechanisms that involve some degree of de novo protein and/or RNA synthesis, and cAMP and/or PKC pathway mediating the action mechanisms of IGF-I.

• Korean Journal of Veterinary Research
• /
• v.35 no.3
• /
• pp.543-552
• /
• 1995

This study was undertaken to investigate the eftects of Cd administered ad libitum for 6 weeks on the cellular immune responses of Balb/c mice. The results were summarized as follows; 1. The mice fed 25, 50 and 100ppm Cd drank as much as control, but the mice fed 200ppm Cd drank significantly less water after Cd exposure than did control. Increasing rates of body weight of Cd-fed mice for 6 weeks were as this, control group 27.0%, Cd administered groups(25, 50, 100 and 200ppm) 28.54%, 28.31%, 20.49% and 18.04%, respectively. 2. Absolute spleen to body weight(mg/g) of control, 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd administered groups were $4.34{\pm}0.23$, $4.20{\pm}0.54$, $4.80{\pm}0.87$, $4.25{\pm}0.32$ and $4.40{\pm}0.32$, respectively. Splenic cellularity(${\times}10^7$) of control was $24.29{\pm}5.98$ but increased to $27.72{\pm}5.48$, $32.96{\pm}8.44$, $28.32{\pm}8.76$ and $29.64{\pm}4.08$ in 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd-fed groups, respectively. 3. Total $CD_4{^+}$ cells(${\times}10^7$) of control, 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd-fed groups were $9.15{\pm}2.24$, $10.40{\pm}2.04$, $12.04{\pm}3.08$, $10.20{\pm}3.16$ and $10.80{\pm}1.48$, respectively and total $CD_8{^+}$ cells(${\times}10^7$) of these groups were $2.32{\pm}0.56$, $2.54{\pm}0.27$, $3.12{\pm}0.80$, $2.25{\pm}0.70$ and $2.24{\pm}0.28$, in order. On the other hand, $CD_4{^+}/CD_8{^+}$ ratios in total cells were increased significantly except for 50ppm Cd-fed group($3.88{\pm}0.01$). And that of control was $3.97{\pm}0.02$, but those of 25, 100 and 200ppm were $4.35{\pm}0.01$, $4.54{\pm}0.03$ and $4.81{\pm}0.03$. 4. Phagocytosis rates of peritoneal macrophages were increased significantly in 25 and 50ppm Cd groups($36.34{\pm}9.45$ and $37.15{\pm}9.22$, respectively), but 100 and 200ppm groups showed similar rates($18.20{\pm}3.04$ and $19.48{\pm}3.22$ respectively) to that of control($21.43{\pm}3.62$). 5. In mitogen-induced splenocyte proliferation, various concentraions of $CdCl_2(10^{-4}-10^{-7}M)$ were added to mitogen-stimulated culture in vitro. Splenocyte proliferation induced by LPS was decreased dose dependently, but proliferation by Con-A was increased slightly in concentrations of $10^{-7}-10^{-6}M$. 6. Significant cytotoxicity of splenocytes with $CdCl_2$ were shown at $10^{-4}M$ treated group, especially at 24 hrs. From these results, it could be concluded that Cd might modulate the immune responses by modifying a distribution of T cell subpopulations.

• Korean Journal of Organic Agriculture
• /
• v.22 no.4
• /
• pp.731-742
• /
• 2014

In the current study, we investigated effects of a combination of earthworm casting, environment-friendly by-product fertilizer, and cultivation soil of Gymnocalycium mihanovichii in a heavy fertilizing culture on diameter, height, numbers of tubercles, and chemical properties of soil thereby elucidating optimal mixture ratio for securing production as well as providing nutrients throughout cultivation period. The Gymnocalycium mihanovichii var 'Ihong', one of grafted cactus for export (Rootstock: 9 cm, Scion: $1.5{\times}1.3cm$ grafted cactus) was cultured in plastic houses of Agricultural Technology Center located in Naegok-dong, Seocho-gu, Seoul from June, 2013 through December, 2013. For the control group, a mixture of sand and fertilizer (50:50) was used as this ratio is widely utilized in farmhouses. In contrast, a variety mixtures of sand and earthworm casting that was produced with food wastes was compared; the mixture ratios were 80:20, 60:40, 40:60, 20:80, and 0:100 and pH for these mixtures were found to be similar each other (ranging between 7.1 and 7.4) which is in an appropriate range (pH 6.5-7.5) for cultivation of G. mihanovichii. The organic content was increasing along with increasing contents of earthworm casting ratio while it was lower than the treatment practice group (32-43 mg/kg vs. 55 mg/kg). The content of exchangeable cation was also increasing as the ratio of earthworm casting was elevated; although levels of $K^+$, $Na^+$, and $Mg^{2+}$ were lower than the treatment practice group, the level of $Ca^{2+}$ was higher ($9.1cmol^+/kg$ and $11.5-33.7cmol^+/kg$ in the treatment practice group and the earthworm casting group, respectively). Three months after grafting, diameters of G. mihanovichii were compared with the control group; consequently, there was a significant difference noted in between the earthworm casting group and the control group (31.39 mm vs. 32.46-37.59 mm). After 5 months, growth characteristics of G. mihanovichii were evaluated. Similarly, the diameter of G. mihanovichii was significantly increasing in the group with higher ratio of earthworm casting treatment (32.63 mm vs. 32.49-37.59 mm). The height of tubercles was 2.63 mm in the control group while it was significantly elevating along with the ratio of earthworm casting mixture. The more numbers of tubercles, the more incomes for farm-houses; as results, higher mixture ration of earthworm casting resulted more numbers of tubercles compared to the control group (2.7 vs. 3.2-8.3 ea). In particular, in the earthworm casting groups with 80% and 100% ratios, the numbers of tubercles were 6.2 and 8.3 ea, respectively, which is 2.5 times more than those of the control group. These results indicate that earthworm casting treatment may be utilized in G. mihanovichii farming houses for short term production of tubercles. In the group with 40% and 60% of earthworm casting mixture, the numbers of tubercles were found to be 4.5 and 4.8 ea, respectively which is higher than the control group as well; in these groups, there were no issues with soil drainage as well as moss formation. Given the analysis results of growth characteristics of G. mihanovichii, it was concluded that 40% and 60% of earthworm casting mixture might be the optimal ratios.

• Horticultural Science & Technology
• /
• v.33 no.1
• /
• pp.39-46
• /
• 2015

Objective of this research was to investigate the influence of compositions and concentrations of fertilizer solutions on the vegetative growth and nutrient uptake of 'Seolhyang' strawberry. To achieve this, the solutions of acid fertilizer (AF), neutral fertilizer (NF), and basic fertilizer (BF) were prepared at concentrations of 100 or $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ based on N and applied during the 100 days after transplanting. The changes in chemical properties of the soil solution were analysed every two weeks, and crop growth measurements as well as tissue analyses for mineral contents were conducted 100 days after fertilization. The growth was the highest in the treatments with BF, followed by those with NF and AF. The heaviest fresh and dry weights among treatments were 151.3 and 37.8 g, respectively, with BF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. In terms of tissue nutrient contents, the highest N, P and Na contents, of 3.08, 0.54, and 0.10%, respectively, were observed in the treatment with NF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The highest K content was 2.83%, in the treatment with AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, while the highest Ca and Mg were 0.98 and 0.42%, respectively, in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The AF treatments had higher tissue Fe, Mn, Zn, and Cu contents compared to those of NF or BF when fertilizer concentrations were controlled to equal. During the 100 days after fertilization, the highest and lowest pH in soil solution of root media among all treatments tested were 6.67 in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and 4.69 in AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, respectively. The highest and lowest ECs were $5.132dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in BF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and $1.448dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, respectively. For the concentrations of macronutrients in the soil solution of root media, the AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ treatment gave the highest $NH_4$ concentrations followed by NF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and AF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The K concentrations in all treatments rose gradually after day 42 in all treatments. When fertilizer concentrations were controlled to equal, the highest Ca and Mg concentrations were observed in AF followed by NF and BF until day 84 in fertilization. The BF treatments produced the highest $NO_3$ concentrations, followed by NF and AF. The trends in the change of $PO_4$ concentration were similar in all treatments. The $SO_4$ concentrations were higher in treatments with AF than those with NF or BF until day 70 in fertilization. These results indicate that compositions of fertilizer solution should to be modified to contain more alkali nutrients when 'Seolhyang' strawberry is cultivated through inert media and nutri-culture systems.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.57-90
• /
• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.2
• /
• pp.196-219
• /
• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.78-85
• /
• 2019

This study was designed to examine the performance of an aspirated radiation shield(ARS), which was made at the investigator's lab and characterized by relatively easier making and lower costs based on survey data and reports on errors in its measurements of temperature and relative humidity. The findings were summarized as follows: the ARS and the Jinju weather station made measurements and recorded the range of maximum, average, and minimum temperature at $2.0{\sim}34.1^{\circ}C$, $-6.1{\sim}22.2^{\circ}C$, $-14.0{\sim}15.1^{\circ}C$ and $0.4{\sim}31.5^{\circ}C$, $-5.8{\sim}22.0^{\circ}C$, $-14.1{\sim}16.3^{\circ}C$, respectively. There were no big differences in temperature measurements between the two institutions except that the lowest and highest point of maximum temperature was higher on the campus by $1.6^{\circ}C$ and $2.6^{\circ}C$, respectively. The measurements of ARS were tested against those of a standard thermometer. The results show that the temperature measured by ARS was lower by $-2.0^{\circ}C$ or higher by $1.8^{\circ}C$ than the temperature measured by a standard thermometer. The analysis results of its correlations with a standard thermometer reveal that the coefficient of determination was 0.99. Temperature was compared between fans and no fans, and the results show that maximum, average, and minimum temperature was higher overall with no fans by $0.5{\sim}7.6^{\circ}C$, $0.3{\sim}4.6^{\circ}C$ and $0.5{\sim}3.9^{\circ}C$, respectively. The daily average relative humidity measurements were compared between ARS and the weather station of Jinju, and the results show that the measurements of ARS were a little bit higher than those of the Jinju weather station. The measurements on June 27, July 26 and 29, and August 20 were relatively higher by 5.7%, 5.2%, 9.1%, and 5.8%, respectively, but differences in the monthly average between the two institutions were trivial at 2.0~3.0%. Relative humidity was in the range of -3.98~+7.78% overall based on measurements with ARS and Assman's psychometer. The study analyzed correlations in relative humidity between the measurements of the Jinju weather station and those of Assman's psychometer and found high correlations between them with the coefficient of determination at 0.94 and 0.97, respectively.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.1
• /
• pp.160-175
• /
• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.1
• /
• pp.4-21
• /
• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.