• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.93-119
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• 2018

During the period from 2004 to 2013, the China's automobile consumer protection policy-making reflected interest articulation and aggregation among consumers, manufacturers, car dealership and repair companies. In particular, consumers has succeeded in articulating their interests in spite of their dispersed situation by making the efforts to present regulation's revision agenda through the China Consumers Association. And the car dealers put the right to blame the car manufacturers for unexpected vehicle defects into the final regulation through the China Automobile Distribution Association. Finally, due to the active interest articulation of automobile companies, policy making process was delayed or policies that were expected to benefit consumers were promoted to some extend. Therefore, it can be seen that there is a limit to define state-society relations in China simply as state corporatism, and rather it is more important to understand state-society relations in China as between state corporatism and societal corporatism including bottom-up interest articulations and aggregations and policy modification activities of various private or societal organizations.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.137-144
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• 2008

Public housing problem became a major issue in each European country during the period of the reconstruction. This study focuses on the one of the major institutional policies in the public housing sectors in Europe during the second postwar period, specifically the INA (Istituto Nazionale delle Assicurazioni)-Casa in Italy from 1949 to 1963. Thanks to the financial Aid provided by 'Marshall Plan' of United States government, Italy initiated INA-Casa housing program elaborated and realized by minister of Labour, Amintore Fanfani. He was strongly influenced by catholic socialism and Weberian corporatism, and also had previously written theoretical studies on the subject during the Interwar years. The outcome of this policy had been devaluated for its Keynesian aspect as well as vernacular predominance in the architectural forms. On the contrary, this study focuses on themes such as continuity of politics before and after the Liberation, status of the architects and their will to social engagement, notion of quarter as 'self-sufficient community' and 'residential unit'. These factors will allow to comprehend the complex nature of the reality where different categories were involved to resolve the common housing problem.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.192-210
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• 2011

This paper attempts to analyze the Park regime's labor control strategy. Specifically, the research questions are twofold: (i) what strategy was it the Park regime adopted? and (ii) why did the Park regime adopt it? According to the analysis, the Park regime chose a mixed strategy based on state corporatism in the 1960s, while adopting a market mechanism strategy in the 1970s. The former tried to control unions by a state-created worker organization with the market, and the latter attempted to weaken unions as bargaining agent to a maximum extent by using market mechanism. The basic reason why the Park regime changed its labor control strategy was complex, (i) appearance of the unstable political ad economic signals and (ii) the ineffectiveness of the labor control strategy in the 1960s.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.48
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• pp.359-402
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• 2002

In Korea we should prepare for the exploding need to nursing according to the rapid change to the aged society. Therefore the german model; of "Pflegeversicherung (a nursing social insurance)" which is introduced in 1995, could help us to plan for the aged society in next Years. In Germany the discussion about the proper measures against the need to nursing as social risk was begun in early 1990s. The need to nursing was thought as social risk because of the aged society, the burden of the family member who take the responsibility for the nursing, and the fiscal crisis of social assistance system which was caused to the exploding cost of nursing for the poor people. Among the some alternatives the "Pflegeversichrung" as a social insurance model! with the' pay-as-you-go system' was introduced step by step in the years of 1995 and 1996. Such german modell was possible on the basis of the stabil social insurance system, especially medical insurance system, the corporatism between the employer and the employee and the developed democratic political system in which the compromise is achieved at the cost of all concerned parties. In Korea we have no experience as like in Germany. But, in Korea, we can start more effectively to look after the possibility of any system which helps the people with need to nursing, when we have understood the factors in policy-making for the introduction of "Pflegeversicherung."

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.259-283
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• 1998

This research is based on the assumption that Korea's social consensus among two sides of industry and government on Feb. 2 '98 was not just temporary response to the economic crisis caused by International Monetary Fund financial fund. Some arguments on the applicability of social democracy and corporatism and D. Donnison's perspective on Democratic Socialism are employed in search of an appropriate social consensus model for Korean situation. In the process of analyzing Korean situation in historical context it becomes apparent that there is embryo of stable social consensus beyond the level of tentative social cooperation to overcome the economic crisis. The next step applying the social consensus model to the employment policy for people with disability levels up empirical and theoretical validity of this research. It casts some implications for disability labour market which demands another kind of social consensus among people with disability, employers and the government. These implications include a desirable solution for hard lives of unemployed people with disability in economic difficulties and current policy issues facing Korean government.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2004.06a
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• pp.3-50
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• 2004

${\cdot}$ Recent social policy and labour markets debates in Europe, responding to the difficulties faced by the traditional neo-Keynesian welfare state settlement, stress the value of positive investment alongside de-regulation and greater flexibility as a way of achieving both economic and social goals. ${\cdot}$ Patterns of policy reform are complex and reflect differing national circumstances. A general move towards deregulation, constraints on entitlement to passive benefits, programmes to enhance employment, particularly among high-risk groups such as single parents and young people, targeted subsidies for low earners and casemanagement may be identified. ${\cdot}$ In relation to investment in education, research and development and combined training and benefit programmes to enhance mobility between jobs the picture is less clear. Education standards continue to rise, but research and development spending stagnates and few countries have developed substantial ‘flexi-curity’ programmes to support job mobility. ${\cdot}$ The labour market tradition in much of Europe has been one of conflict between labour and employers. As labour grows weaker, new approaches develop. These tend to stress productivity agreements and greater flexibility in work practices within firms and reforms to passive social security systems more broadly, but movement to support the more challenging investment and flexi-curity policies is slow. ${\cdot}$ In general, social and labour market policies in Europe stress deregulation and negative activation more strongly than social investment and ‘flexi-curity’. The countries with high growth and employment achieve that goal by different routes: Sweden has a closely integrated social democratic corporatism with high spending on benefits and training programmes and the UK a more liberal market-oriented system, with lower spending, highly targeted benefits and less mobility support. ${\cdot}$ Europe has something to learn from Korea in achieving high investment in human capital and R and D, while Korea may have something to learn from Europe in social investment, particularly flexi-curity and equal opportunity policies.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.555-579
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• 2007

This study analysed theory and application of holistic innovation policy in the 3rd generation innovation policy with cases of Finland and Korea. Innovation policy areas of both countries are expanding from simple goal of economic development to extensive goals such as sustainable development, quality of life, balanced growth etc. Also administrative system changed in order to let technical innovation on the center of national operation and reorganized relation and structure of relative policies like manpower, education, region policy. Particularly, Korea is in embryo standing for S&T driven society since Noh's government. But, there are differences in embodiment degree and feature between both countries. Finland reinvigorate field of public opinion due to corporatism tradition as a Scandinavian institution. Government support system developed co-program and co-policy beyond territory of individual ministry to raise policy effectiveness. However, concept of the Korean innovation policy is ahead of the times but maintained framework of developing country. And there is no active participation of private sector and civil society because transition process accomplished on the top-down method, It could hardly progress toward transition in spite of various efforts to carry out a reform.