• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.67 no.6
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• pp.441-461
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• 2023

This study explore characteristics of teaching orientation and pck of science teachers in online-offline mixed learning environment. Data consisted of open-ended survey, semi-structured interview, class observation, field notes from 12 science teachers. We categorized teaching orientation considering both science education goals and science teaching·learning orientation. There were 8 different teaching orientations such as 'understanding science concepts-lecture centered' 'constructing science concepts-inquiry based' 'applying science concepts and inquiry-inquiry based' 'applying science concepts and inquiry-lectured centered' 'analyzing and judging science information-inquiry based' 'developing scientific attitude-inquiry based' 'developing scientific attitude-lecture centered' and 'developing perception of interrelationships among science, technology, and society-inquiry based'. Teachers with inquiry based teaching·learning orientation seemed to have knowledge of science curriculum specific to online learning environment for student inquiry. While teachers with 'understanding science concepts-lecture centered' teaching orientation appeared to have questioning strategy of checking student understanding and strategy of repeating a lecture, teachers with 'constructing science concepts-inquiry based' teaching orientation appeared to have knowledge of instructional strategies to perform online group activities targeting student construction of knowledge and to replace face-to-face group activities with virtual experiments and individual experiments. While teachers with 'understanding science concepts-lecture centered' teaching orientation did not show knowledge of student science learning, teachers with 'constructing science concepts-inquiry based' teaching orientation appeared to have knowledge of student difficulties in inquiry based learning.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.582-600
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• 2007

In a long history of geography, a variety of regional concepts have been suggested to represent the particular situations in each period. Today, post-modem situations, characterized by the development of capitalism and globalization, demand a new variety of regional concepts. The regional characteristics, such as social relations, institutional systems, ideologies and symbolism, are now perceived basically on the level of subjectivity. Currently, it is the most urgent task to integrate many conflicting opinions among a variety of subjects into the one that would seek a voluntary consent from the majority of regional residents. In this paper, it is suggested that the concept of identity is the most efficient in examining and explaining the post-modem trend of a region: variability, subjectivity, mobility, changeability, Finally, it is suggested that a special attention should be paid to the role of institutions, that is institutionalization, in the construction of regional identity, to understand and interpret the cultural-historical aspect of a regional change.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• Korean Journal of Child Education & Care
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.1-30
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the awareness of daycare teachers by the nursery school operation performance of the National Competency Standards(NCS). For this purpose, 35 public and private daycare center, home daycare centers and corporation daycare center teachers were randomly sampled in Busan Metropolitan City. We conducted a questionnaire consisting of 230 sub-elements based on 45 sub-competency unit elements extracted from 12 areas of job ability of the national competence standards. Final questionnaires were collected from 117 questionnaires of 28 national daycare teachers, 30 private daycare teachers, 30 home daycare teachers, and 29 corporation daycare teachers. As a result, there was a difference in the awareness of importance among the four groups in all 12 performance capability units. For the 12 job performance units, the importance was recognized in the order of corporate daycare center, national daycare center, home daycare center, and private daycare center. Among them, "Establishment of Child Care Center Management Policy", "Construction of Child Care Service", "Child Care Activity Management", "Infant and Child Playing Guide", "Body and Art Activity Guidance", "Language, Nutritional guidance" there were no differences in the awareness of the importance of corporate daycare teachers and national daycare teachers, and there was no difference between national daycare teachers and home daycare teachers. However, there was a difference between corporate daycare teachers and home daycare teachers.. There is also a difference in the awareness of importance between home daycare teachers and private daycare teachers. In the remaining five job competence units, "Child Care Assessment", "Support for Infant and Toddler Development", "Cooperation with the Home and Community", "Child Care Management", and "Child Care Research", corporation daycare centers, national daycare centers. There was no statistically significant difference in the awareness of importance, but there was a significant difference from the private daycare teachers. Also this tendency was consistently observed in 45 sub-capacity unit elements.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.41 no.10
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• pp.1475-1485
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• 2012

This study was conducted in order to understand nutrition teachers (dietitians)' perceptions of barriers to implementation of HACCP system in school foodservices in Gyeongnam, Korea. Questionnaires were distributed to 350 nutrition teachers (dietitians) from November to December of 2009, and 214 were collected and analyzed. The results of this study were as follows. First, nutrition teachers (dietitians) recognized the following as barriers in implementing the HACCP system: 'the status of facilities and utilities'> 'monitoring'> 'work satisfaction'> 'foodservice employees'> 'cooperation of HACCP team'> 'cooperation of persons concerned besides foodservice employees'> 'understanding the HACCP system'. Second, total working experience was found to be the factor most affecting 'cooperation of HACCP team (p<0.01)', 'cooperation of persons concerned besides foodservice employees (p<0.01)', 'foodservice employees (p<0.05)', and 'work satisfaction (p<0.05)'. Further, 'the status of facilities and utilities' was significantly affected by 'construction/reconstruction of kitchen (p<0.01)', 'division of kitchen area (p<0.01)', 'existence of preliminary preparation room (p<0.01)', and 'existence of dishwashing room (p<0.01)'. Third, dietitians perceived the following concerning hindrance factors of the HACCP system according to CCP stage: 'CCP 1'> 'CCP 3'> 'CCP 2, 'CCP 6'> 'CCP 4'> 'CCP 8'> 'CCP 7'> 'CCP 5'. In conclusion, this study showed that nutrition teachers (dietitians) in the Gyeongnam area recognized 'the status of facilities and utilities' from HACCP areas and 'CCP 1 (menu planning)' from CCP stages as the greatest barriers to implementing the HACCP system in school foodservices. To implement the HACCP system successfully in school foodservices, facilities and utilities should be properly equipped, and menu planning training for nutrition teachers (dietitian) should be conducted.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.13-21
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• 2017

The Cho-yeon Pavilion located in the Wangdae village in Samcheong-ri, Songgwang-myeon, Suncheon-si, was transformed into a place of refuge, a shrine, a vacation home, a lecture hall for kings. Based on the change, the current study has explored the periodic changing placeness and the transformation of cultural landscape and has figured out the meaning. The result of this study is as follows. First, "Cho-yeon", named by Yeonjae Song, Byeong-Seon, originated from Tao Te Ching of Lao Tzu. The concept is found not only in the Cho-yeon Pavilion in Suncheon but also in various places, such as, the Cho-yeon-dae in Pocheon, of the Cho-yeon-dae in Gapyeong, of the Cho-yeon-dae of the embankment behind the Gioheon of Changdeok-gung Garden, Cho-Yeon-Mul-Oe old buildings, including Jung(亭), Dae(臺), Gak(閣), of Ockriukag in Yuseong, etc. This shows that taoistic Poongrhu was naturally grafted onto confucian places, which is one of the examples of the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Second, the placeness of the Cho-yeon Pavilion area is related to a legend that King Gong-min sought refuge here at the end of the Koryo Dynasty. The legend is based on the Wangdae village(king's region), Yu-Gyeong(留京)(the place where kings stayed), rock inscription of Wang-Dae-Sa-Jeok, Oh-Jang-Dae (the place where admiral flags were planted), and the Mohusan Mountain. Third, the Cho-yeon Pavilion not only has a base(the vacation home) that reflects confucian values from the rock inscription(趙鎭忠別業, 趙秉翼, 宋秉璿) of the beautiful rock walls and torrents but also has territoriality as taoistic Abode of the Immortals (there are places where people believe taoist hermits with miraculous powers live within 1km of the pavillion: Wol-Cheong(月靑), Pung-Cheong(風靑), Su-Cheong(水靑), Dong-Cheon(洞天). The Cho-yeon Pavilion also reflects the heaven of Neo-Confucianism for, pursuing study, and improving aesthetic sense by expanding its outer area and establishing the nine Gok: Se-Rok-Gyo(洗鹿橋)., Bong-Il-Dae(捧日臺), Ja-Mi-Gu(紫薇鳩), Un-Mae-Dae(雲梅臺), Wa-Ryong-Chong(臥龍叢), Gwang-Seok-Dae(廣石臺), Eun-Seon-Gul(隱仙窟), Byeok-Ok-Dam(碧玉潭), and Wa-Seok-Po(臥石布). In sum, the Cho-yeon Pavilion is a complex cultural landscape. Fourth, the usage of the Cho-yeon Pavilion was expanded and transformed: (1)Buddhist monastery${\rightarrow}$(2)Confucian vacation home${\rightarrow}$(3)Vacation home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place${\rightarrow}$(4)Vacation Home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place+Lecture Hall(the heaven of Neo-Confucianism). To illustrate, in 7978, the place served as Buddist Monk Kwang-Sa's monastery; in 1863, Cho, Jin-Choong established a vacation home by building a shrine in front of the tomb of his ancestor; in 1864, Cho, Jae-Ho expanded its usage to a vacation home to serve ancestors as a taoistic place by repairing the pavilion with roof tiles; and after 1890, Cho, Jun-Sup received the name of the pavilion, Cho-yeon, from his teacher Song, Byeong-Seon, and used the Pavilion for a lecture hall.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.55-88
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• 2013

Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu is one of the modern and contemporary Korean scholars of Sino-Korean literature and one of the literati of his era, so is respected as a guiding light by academic descendants. Gwonwu was a teacher of his era, who experienced all the turbulence of Korean society, such as the Japanese occupation by force, the Korean War, the military dictatorship, and the struggle for democracy, and who educated and led young scholars of his time. However, academia has not payed attention to his life and achievements since his death. This paper is to examine the poetry of Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu, one of the representative modern and contemporary scholar of Sini-Korean literature, which has not yet been discussed by academia. The minimal meaning of this paper is that it is a first work based on his anthology, which has not been discussed by academia, and a first full-scale study on Gwonwu Hongchan-yu. For the reason, this paper aims at the detailed inspection of his poetic pieces recorded in his anthology. Nonetheless, despite such intentions, some limits cannot be avoided here and there in this paper for the insufficient knowledge and academic capability of this paper's writer and for the lack of academic sources. Gwonwu's poetry examined through his anthology shows the characteristic which is that his poems focus on exposing his own internal emotions. Such a characteristic says that his idea of poetic literature payed attention more to individuality, that is exposition of private emotions, than to social utility of poems. Gwonwu's such an idea of poetic literature can be generally affirmed throughout his poetry. Accordingly, Gwonwu preferred classical Chinese poems to archaistic poems, and single poems to serial poems; and avoided writing poems within social relations such as farewell-poems, bestowal-poems, and mourning-poems. When the characteristics of Gwonwu's poetic literature get summarized as such, however, some questions remain. The preferential question is whether the poems in his anthology are the whole poetry of him. Although Gwonwu's poetic pieces that the writer of this paper have checked out till now are all in his anthology, it is very much questionable whether Gwonwu's poetry can be summed up only with these poems. The next question is what is the writing method for taking joy(spice), sentiment, and full-heart into his poems if Gwonwu's poems focus on exposing his internal emotions, and if poems exposing joy and poems exposing sentiment and full-heart appear coherently in various different spaces and circumstances of writing. The final question is what are the meanings of Gwonwu's poems if his poetry checked out through his anthology directly shows either the reality carried in his poems or the reality of a time in his life. The questions listed above are thought to be resolved by the synchronizing process of stereoscopic searches both for Gwonwu as an individual and for the era of his life. Especially, spurring deeper researches toward a new direction regarding Gwonwu's poetry has an important meaning for construction of a complete modern and contemporary history of Sino-Korean literature and for procurement of continuous research on Sino-Korean literature and its history. For the reason, it is thought that more efforts of researchers are required.