• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.526-539
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the Korean Wave on Chinese tourism to South Korea through a behavioral analysis of Chinese tourists in the general group package tours. China suppressed the needs of the Chinese people's geographical movement and imposed restrictions on information about the outside world with the use of a policy of "closure" for a long time. But since reforms and open-door policies were introduced in China, especially in the context of relaxation of control policies over Chinese outbound tourism after the mid-1990's, more and more Chinese make trips abroad including visits to South Korea. In this situation, the recent Korean Wave(especially, drama/film) describes the Korean national image by forming a bridge between fiction and reality and plays a pivotal role in broadening or reconstructing the geographical imagination of the Chinese people who have been historically isolated from the outside world. Although Chinese have imagined the Korean nationscape on the basis of geopolitical or economic factors in the past, they have currently broadened or reconstructed their geographical imagination to include socio-cultural factors related closely to the Korean way of life due to the recent Korean Wave. This newly constructed geographical imagination led by the Korean Wave functions as an important pulling factor in Chinese destination choices, affecting Chinese tourists' motivation formation and the recommendation of main attractions. The more influential the Korean Wave is on their destination choice, the more the respondents select the cultural factors in both their motivation for tourism to South Korea and their recommendations of tourism attractions to other people. Through the analysis results of both satisfaction and intention to revisit, the more influential the Korean Wave is on their destination choice, the higher is the degree of both satisfaction and intention to revisit. In other words, although Chinese tourism to South Korea is chiefly in the general group package tours, Chinese tourists who are influenced by Korean Wave on their destination choice have more attachment to(or affection for) Korea as a tourism destination. This result suggests that the Korean Wave affects qualitative change - that is, change of attitude - as well as quantitative change in Chinese demand for tourism to South Korea.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.41
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• pp.511-531
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• 2015

The underlying impetus of the birth of animated film is attraction about a moving image. And the animation image occurs from the process of performative relationship between an animator and apparatus. Therefore, analysing the method how the moving image is constructed will be the focal starting point to deal with an animated film as a text. In this context, that conveys the theme in more sensuous way will be examined in a dimension of the material, technique and image-making method. KIM Jin-man's is a Stop Motion Animated Film with Noodlescreen about a journey of a fish that wishes to go outside of the water. KIM created original and friendly images out of plain thin noodle which is a common ingredient in Korea, and dealt with the ontological introspection based of the concept of Nondualism. Nondualism based on the interconnected and cyclical eastern philosophy which is different from the western dualistic theory points to the idea that the universe and all its multiplicity are ultimately expressions or appearances of one essential reality. This paper focuses on KIM's recent work and sees how Nondualism is applied throughout the animated film by analysing the performative method of mediums, technique, and structure. First of all, the form of Noodlescreen will be reviewed in Chapter Two. Pinscreen Animation which was invented by Alexander Alexeieff and Claire Parker will be also compared with Noodlescreen in the aesthetic viewpoint here. In Chapter Three, it will be analysed how the description of the image of binary opposition itself provides expanded sense and rich metaphor. Lastly, the format of Mise-en-abyme going constantly towards outer space will be dealt how it exposes the cinematic illusion and spatiality in Chapter Four. Throughout the whole chapters, it will reviewed how the concept of Nondualism relates the images of and deactivate the boundary of binary opposition in terms of both the story development and the visualization method. By this methodology, it will be confirmed that image of animated film not only explains the narrative but also activates the perception about the theme and provides integrated sensory experiences in the independent and expanded dimension.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.307-328
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• 2018

The use of thought experiments has a long history in many disciplines including science. In the field of philosophy, thought experiments have frequently appeared in the pre-existing literature on the contemporary Analytic Philosophy. A thought experiment refers to a synthetic environment where the designer of the experiment-with his or her intuition and imagination-tests common-sense knowledge. It can be understood as a conceptual tool for testing the validity of the common understanding of an issue or a phenomenon. However, we are not certain about the usefulness or efficacy of a thought experiment in knowledge production. The design of a thought experiment is meant to lure readers into believing as intended by the experiment itself. Thus, regardless of the purpose of a thought experiment, many readers who encounter the experiment could feel deceived. In this paper, to analyze the logic of thought experiments and to seek the source of uneasiness the readers and critics may feel about thought experiments, I draw lessons from three renowned thought-experiments: Thomson's 'ailing violinist', Putnam's 'brain in a vat', and Searle's 'Chinese room'. Imaginative thought experiments are usually constructed around a gap between the reality and the knowledge/information at hand. From the three experiments, several lessons can be learned. First, the evidence of the existence of a gap provided via thought experiments can serve as arguments for counterfactual situations. At the same time, the credibility and efficacy of the thought experiments can be damaged as soon as the thought-experiments are carried out with inappropriate and/or murky directions regarding the procedures of the experiment or the background of the study. According to D. R. Hofstadter and D. C. Dennett(1981), the 'knob setting' in a thought experiment can be altered in the middle of a simulation of the experimental condition, and then the implications of the thought experiment change altogether, indicating that an entirely different conclusion can be deduced from thought experiment. Lastly, some pre-suppositions and bias of the experiment designers play a considerable role in the validity and the chances of success of a thought experiment; thus, it is recommended that the experiment-designers refrain from exercising too much of their imagination in order to avoid contaminating the design of the experiment and/or wrongly accepting preconceived/misguided conclusions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.117-132
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• 2019

The study examines the significance and limits of modern park planning by analyzing major planning documents of Gyeongseong in the Japanese colonial era. Among seven selected documents from 1925 to 1940, which show the contents related with park planning, documents of 1930 and 1940 presented the official park plan of Gyeongseong. By the 1920s, the park plan was not a major concern in urban planning of Gyeongseong; however, as the planning law as enacted in 1934, the park plan legally became a part of the official master planning process in the 1930s. In 1940, the most comprehensive park plan for Gyeongseong was published. In the beginning of modern urban planning, a park was mainly perceived as a sanitation utility. From the 1920s to the 1930s, the park planning system was significantly improved including systemic classification of parks, guideline development considering spatial planning, and introduction of a concept of infra-structural green space. Despite of the improvement in the park planning, the actual quantity of the overall green spaces barely changed and there was a huge discrepancy between the planning ideal and the reality. The Gyeongseong stadium was the only facility newly built in the 1920s, and only two parks were constructed in the 1930s. The plan to build 38 new parks in the 1930, and 140 in the 1940 was barely realized. However, there were efforts to improve parks and green spaces of Gyeongseong: Such as appropriating natural forest as parks, designating royal palaces as parks, and focusing on constructing smaller scale children's parks. Even though the ideal plan could not be fully implemented due to the war time situation and tight budget, the park system of Gyeongseong provided the framework of park planning of Seoul after the independence.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.32-48
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• 2022

This study analyzed the construction pattern and historical reality of Gwallamji Pond(觀纜池) in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), which has been received as distorted information and has not received sufficient attention. The main topics consisted of the construction period and reorganization in the pond garden, changes in the installed wooden bridge, the existence of the berthing facility, and whether the plan shape was deformed. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the Gwallamji Pond was already completed before the Gapsin Coup, which occurred in the year of King Gojong. Since then, the Gwallamji Pond area, including the surrounding facilities, has been neglected for a while and was extensively renovated in the early 1900s. It is difficult to find a clear basis for the suspension and resumption of the Gwallamji Pond construction proposed in the previous discussion. Second, three types of wooden bridges with different shapes and structures were installed sequentially in the Gwallamji Pond. In particular, the second wooden bridge, which installed after the maintenance of the Gwallamji Pond, is judged to be the pontoon bridge depicted in Donggweoldohyeong(東闕圖形), and the railing of the bridge was decorated to symbolize the imperial family of the Korean Empire. The third wooden bridge, which appeared intensively in Japanese colonial era, was a Japanese-style bridge. Third, a berth facility for boarding and disembarking existed on the eastern shore of the Gwallamji Pond. The berth facility is also described in Donggweoldohyeong and it remained until the Japanese colonial period. However, as the maintenance work of the Gwallamji Pond was carried out several times after liberation, the berth facility was gradually damaged, and there are no traces left now. Fourth, The Gwallamji Pond was originally constructed in a planar shape of the Korean Peninsula similar to the present. It is necessary to reconsider the conventional theory that the Gwallamji Pond, made in the shape of a gored-shaped bottle, was renovated in the shape of the Korean Peninsula in Japanese colonial era. Even when the term Pandoji Pond(半島池) first appeared, there was no view that the Japanese intentionally modified the Gwallamji Pond.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.47-78
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• 2021

This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.27-54
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• 2011

This research attempted to present the efficiency of culture marketing to the organizations producing culture-art products and to the companies utilizing art and suggest the practical viewpoints to the culture and art policy agencies. The methodology used was to take an in-depth look at the consumer value cognition and benefits of culture-art products in contemporary consumption culture from a social context by conducting a total of 12 Focus Group Interviews, consisting of 58 males and females in their 10s~50s who can represent culture-art product consumers. The culture-art products refer to the artist's spiritual, actual act of creating or to the end products with economic exchange value. They are also sense goods and merit goods that affect the mental state of consumers. By looking at culture-art products as consumer merit goods, this research examined consumer value cognition of culture-art products based on the characteristics culture-art products. As a result, this research determined that consumers view culture-art products largely as 'aesthetic and sensuous merit goods', 'actual and individual merit goods', and 'social public property'. As 'aesthetic and sensuous merit goods', culture-art products are considered as the products of an artist's creative activities; as 'social public property', culture-art products have a public value in terms of ownership; and as 'actual and individual merit goods', culture-art products act on the spirit and reality of a consumer in terms of consumption. As a result of analyzing the benefits of culture-art products based on the above-mentioned consumer value cognition, it was observed that the benefits of culture-art-product consumption are chiefly divided into 'aesthetic character-oriented', 'social relationships-oriented', and 'individual benefits-oriented' depending on how consumers see culture-art products. A 3-conceptional structures model was constructed according to the relationship between consumer value cognition of culture-art products and the benefits. This research revealed that consumers who pursue the aesthetic value or sense of beauty as the central reason experience culture-art products themselves, enjoy intellectual quests, and pursue their satisfaction by expressing affection for and interests in culture-art products. On the other hand, consumers who pursue social value as the central reason as a means of communication by perceiving culture-art products as a public property of society, pursue sympathy with people close to them through the symbolic power of culture-art product consumption or the joy of self-display. Consumers who perceive art products as spiritual and actual merit goods and pursue consumer value as a central reason want to express their own personality, develop themselves, and differentiate themselves or identify themselves with others in the context of social relations for the ultimate goal of living a happy and satisfied life while pursuing to satisfy imminent and actual necessities as emotional stability and rest. The fact that culture-art product benefits could vary according to how a consumer perceives them implies that consumer value cognition of culture-art products and their benefits significant affect consumers' decision in choosing and consuming various culture-art products. It turned out that such benefits from the consumption of culture-art products reflect the complex contemporary consumption culture of rational consumption, symbolic consumption, experiential consumption, and social reflective consumption. This research identified conceptional structures of consumer value cognition on culture-art products and benefits that can be used for studying and understanding culture-art products consumers who pursue a variety of consumption values. They can also be used by private companies in utilizing art, as well as by national agencies in enhancing the population's quality of life. However, since this research could only conceptually grasp consumer perception of culture-art products and reveal the dimension of classification due to its own limitations arising from characteristic investigation, quantitative data on the benefits of culture-art product consumers should be measured in future studies through a quantitative investigation, while using the value cognition of culture-art products and the individual characteristics of consumers as variables based on this research.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.