• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.71-103
• /
• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
• /
• v.15 no.5
• /
• pp.13-20
• /
• 2004

This comparative study on the confucian characteristics of the space for men on the upper-class house took two approaches. Firstly, even though Korea and China accepted same Confucianism, they developed their own Confucian cultures and differentiated house types. Therefore, the process of developing various type of house can be observed as to adopting Confucianism. Secondly, identification of each country can be appeared by looking into the house developing process. Preceding studies about traditional houses of Korea and China usually focused on style analysis. However, this study approaches to house arrangement through understanding the base of each culture and people.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
• /
• v.10 no.5
• /
• pp.35-43
• /
• 2003

This study analyzed the spatial hierarchy of Hyangkyo architecture. Hyangkyo was built on the basis of Confucianism. The results are as follows; 1) The spatial hierarchical construction responding to the site. The arrangement style of hierarchical construction changed according to the site. This is the reason that the hierarchy of Confucianism has the relationship of the upper class and the lower class, high and low of position, high of right and low of left, and the theory of division based on topography. 2) The hierarchical construction responding to the arrangement style. Buildings were hierarchically constructed according to the site of the architecture. This is the result of hierarchy. In conclusion, the spatial hierarchy means that Hyangkyo architecture had been built according to an order on the basis of Confucianism.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.11-39
• /
• 1996

The purpose of this investigation is to seek the concepts of the Nature and the Emotion in the Sasang Constitutional Medicine. The results summerized as following. 1. When feelings like joy, anger, sorrow and happiness are kept in heart this state is the Nature. When they are expressed this state is the Emotion. In this point Confucianism and the Sasang Constitutional Medicine are same each other. 2. The Nature and Emotion of Confucianism are the psychic concepts. But the Nature and Emotion of the Sasang Constitutional Medicine are the psychosomatic concepts. 3. QI(氣) of joy, anger, sorrow and happiness, each of them share with qi(氣) of the Nature and Emotion. Qi(氣) of the Nature and Emotion directly influence the formation of Sasang Constitution, physiological and pathological state. As mentioned above, though the Nature and Emotion of the Sasang Constitutional Medicine come from Confucianism they are used the more opened conception.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.145
• /
• pp.119-141
• /
• 2018

This paper is to address the consonance between Confucianism and Christianity, focusing on the first-generation clergy in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province, Korea. Andong has turned out many Confucian scholars since Yi Hwang, and thus founded the school of Togye (Yi Hwang's nom de plume). Meanwhile, some of Confucians in Andong converted to Christianity after reading the Bible. Thus, their religious activities and their interpretation of the Bible Confucian factors smacked of Confucianism, which suggests a need to reestablish the relationship between Confucianism and Christianity. This study produced the following results: First, the converts did not aspire to Christianity itself but to saving their country. The first-generation clergy in Andong wanted to sublimate their patriotic and Confucian spirits into Christianity, which is backed up by the independence movement planned jointly by Confucians and Christians in Andong. As for Confucians in Andong, their devotion to their country was a cause of the conversion to Christianity. Second, it was small wonder that Christianity was harmonious with Confucianism at least for early Christianity in Andong. In those days, Confucians in Andong had to achieve their realistic goals and thus did not need to deny Christianity. To relieve the national suffering, they had more need of Christian religiosity than Confucian morality. Likewise, missionaries wanted to propagate Christianity, and therefore did not deny the worldliness of Confucianism. On this wise, the two kept their identities and at the same time could compensate for their shortcomings from each other. This study names such Korean Christianity a 'humanistic religion.'

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.148
• /
• pp.49-72
• /
• 2018

In this paper, I tackle the question as to why the Confucian tradition in East Asia failed to generate democracy. In the first section, I discuss various forms of Confucianism and come up with a most suitable one before I define democracy. I then consider the view that, even though Confucianism, thus defined, had the democratic ideals, it could not generate democracy because it failed to secure democratic institutional structure. I call this view 'No Institutions' View. However, there are two versions of it. First, a thin version of the view holds that the theoretical resources are clearly found in Confucianism yet they failed to provide the democratic institutions. Second, there is the view (a thick version of 'No Institutions' View), according to which the theoretical resources do exist in the Confucian tradition, though only as potentiality and not as a historical reality, and this is why the tradition failed to produce democracy. Third, some hold the view (which I call 'No Ideals' View) that Confucianism simply lacks not only the practical institutions but also theoretical ideals of democracy. In the conclusion, I discuss the reason why I reject these views and offer my own view. In particular, I offer a hybrid view concerning the relationship between Confucianism and democracy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.63-84
• /
• 2009

I analyzed about the Ruyi(儒醫)'s mind on this article. Ruyi led and Nei-Jing (內經)'s Xin(心)-Shen(神)-Qingzhi(情志) it developed a medical theory. Qingzhi comes true confucianism aims became the good tool. Junhuo(君火)-Xianghuo(相火) for them to apply medically. Junhuo-Xianghuo is a possibility of seeking a ground from Nei-Jing. Junhuo governs all body and Xianghuo takes charge of the role which raises the body. It is to divide huo(火)with relationship of the king and the liege man. After Yuan-dynasty(元代) Ruyi medical sciences grasped Junhuo-Xianghuo with confucianism structures. The representative scholar is Zhu zhen-heng(朱震亨). I analyzed Zhu's Junhuo-Xianghuo. Xin-huo rules over the body. For expression of active Chi, it set the dual structure-'Junhuo-Xianghuo'. And it divided Junhuo from desire and sentiment. And Zhu zhen-heng attempted Taoism and medical science and Confucianism from the process under integrating. And analyzed Junhuo-Xianghuo Confucianism meaning. With Junhuo-Xianghuo and Confucianism described a relationship in the Zhu zhen-heng's theory. Finally view of Ruyi, medical science is the method of confucianism aims comes true.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.17
• /
• pp.35-48
• /
• 2004

The third teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism have been coexisted and had effect on the oriental spirits for long times. The doctrines of the Confucianism, the Buddhism, and the Taoism are represented as 'moral culture', 'practice', and "training" respectively. The practices of three teachings had individual ways. But in the late Han-dynasty, they had coexisted and effects on one another, then finally had been united since the Song-dynasty. The Confucianism, which advocated "xiū-jǐ-zhì-rén(修己治人: Practising oneself and controlling others)" and "nèi-shèng-wài-wáng(內聖外王: Establishing natural law in oneself and presenting it to others)", put an emphasis on the practice for personality by "Kŏgzĭ(孔子)" and "Mèngzĭ(孟子)". For example, the practices of "Yăng qi(養氣)", "Jìn Xīn(盡心)", and "Cún Xīn(存心)" reflect this doctrines. In the Song-dynasty, "Zhū-xī(朱熹)" established the 'New Confucianism', the study of "Jū-Jìng-qióng-lĭ'", which put an equality with "human nature" and natural law. It is so-called as "Seong-li-hark" in Korea. Therefore, it came to life again by emphasizing 'jīng-shì: Ruling the world' and "moral culture". The Taoism, which pursued "yán-mìng-cháng-shòu(延命長壽: Maintenance of a Scanty existence long life)" and "dào-tōng-shén-xian"(道通神仙: Spiritual awakening Shén-Xian), originally put an emphasis on the practice of body and mind. For example, "Lăozi(老子)" and "Zhuāngzĭ(莊子)" suggested "bāoyī(包一)", "Shŏuyī(守一)", and "Zuòwàng(坐忘)". After the religious body of the Taoism had been established, "Gè-hóng(葛洪)" accomplished the "Nèidān(內丹)" and "Wàidān(外丹)" as practice methods. As times went over, the "Nèidān(內丹)" of "Yăng-Shēng-Wŭ-Dà-Yāo(養生五大要)" including "bì-gŭ(辟穀)", "fú-qì(服氣)", "dăo-yĭn(導引)", "fáng-zhōng(房中)", and "fú-ěr(服餌)", has been the mainstreams for practice. Since the Song dynasty, "sān-jiào-hé-yī-sī-xiǎng(三敎合一思想: Three Teachings are the each other same thoughts)" had been put on emphasis and the three teachings were effected one another, and all of them attached importance to practical training. Therefore, the practice ways in civil societies have been mixed, the origins of them are difficult to divide definitely. The Korean society also has the vague origins of them and reflects the theses historic traditions.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.121-135
• /
• 1999

Korean Traditional Houses had been composed of several territory. Sarang-Chae was territorialized from the functional differentiation and the sexual discrimination of Confucianism. The territory of ancestral shrine was formed with the filial duty of Confucianism. Korean Traditional Houses have the visible, material boundary and invisible, symbolic boundary which is repeated into the inner space. Korean Traditional Houses are appreciated as the enclosed territory which the sacred inner space of the house is in opposition with the profane outer space, and the inner space of the house has hierarchical boundary by the hierarchy of the house god.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
• /
• v.30 no.6
• /
• pp.103-114
• /
• 2012

This paper aims to investigate changes in Korean family structures by reflecting on the perception of traditional family rites and family systems. In-depth interviews were conducted with 17 married middle-aged men (9) and women (8) who had at least one child. Findings were as follows: First, both married middle aged men and women internalized Confucianism. They thought that the head of household, who was male as far as possible, was needed for the formation of a normal family. In addition, both of married middle-aged men and women recognized married women as outsiders based on Chul-ga-we-in-sa-sang. And they put parents-children relationships ahead of couple relationships and supported Jang-ja-woo-dae-sang-sok (privileging the eldest son over the other children in terms of the distribution of family resources and inheritance based on Confucianism). However, there were some differences to support the use of Hang-ryul-ja, which is based on expressing the character of generation by sharing the first name, and the importance of Jok-bo. which is based on traditional family genealogical records. Second, even though women internalized Confucianism, they did not attach traditional meanings to memorial services for ancestors to the extent that men did and defined family members as a procreation family boundaries unlike men, who defined family boundary as original family members and procreation family members. In conclusion, even though family laws and culture have evolved from the patrilineal family system to one which promotes gender equality, married men and women internalize Confucianism. Instead, some transformations are evident from the perspective of females in terms of memorial services for ancestors and family boundaries.