• 제목/요약/키워드: Confucian theory

검색결과 145건 처리시간 0.024초

심의고(深依考)

  • 김인숙
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제1권
    • /
    • pp.101-117
    • /
    • 1977
  • This thesis is a study of the Simui(深衣) system which was a dress regulation peculiar to old China with skirt and coat. The origin of Simui is a very long time, that is, before Ju dynasty in China. Its wearing range had a large circle irrespective of rank and good or bad luck. This was a ordinary dress to the Emperor or the lords, a below court attire or a below sacrificial rites attire to the illustrious officials, and good luck dress to the common people. But this was a funeral rites attire or coming-of-age ceremony attire in domestic behaviour. In the times of Song dynasty, lots of confucian scholars had put on this simui because of Juhi's recommendation for domestic behaviour. This Simui had been put on through all the times of China and was the original text of all the dress. Especially the court attire and silkworm working dress of Empress, and the court attire and underwear court attire of Emperor is also made out of this Simui, therefore this is a origin of the ceremonial dress which formed into long coat. In Korea it is said that this Simui was brought in prior to the middle of Goryeo dynasty. But we can't tell the correct transmitted age. According to the following records in Goryeo History, "King had put on the Simui as a sacrificial rite attire in the times of Yejong". It is sure that this Simui was brought in prior to the times of Yejong. In fact, lots of confucian scholars had put on the Simui since the introduction of confucianism in the end of Goryeo dynasty and after that time this was taken by many confucian scholars through Yi dynasty. Korean Simui system was complied with Chinese system through confucian domestic behaviour, This was respected for court dress of confucian scholars, as it were, Chumri, (an ordinary dress of scholars), Nansam (a uniform of upper student), and Hakchangui (a uniform of confucian student). There are many deta about Simui system in the book of Yeki, chapter Okcho and Simui, and other many canfucian books. But we didn't demonstrate the theory about it till now. Especially there are diversifies of opinions about the phrase of "Sok Im Ku Byun" in Yeki. Simui was cut in separate and then was stitched together in one piece. Generally its shape had round sleeve and angled lapel, its length reaches to the anklebone. And it has a line around the lapel, the sleeve band, and the edge of skirt. It is called Simui because the body can be wrapped deeply in broad width and large sleeve. The Simui was made of white fine linen and was cut by the natural size of body. Every part of Simui had a profound meaning; the round sleeve in compliance with regulation can keep a courtesy when a walker moves his hands and the angled lapel like a carpenter's square in compliance with square keeps them front loosing their Justice and a string of the back also keeps them loosing from their righteousness and the flat lower part of Simui makes their heart and mind calm. This Simui was usually attendant on a head cover and belt made cloth, and black shoes. This thesis was made a study of documents and portrait from Yi dynasty, for the actual object was not obtained.

  • PDF

정재(正齋) 남대년(南大秊)의 학문과 사상 (Jeongjae(正齋) Nam Dae-nyeon's(南大秊) Study and Thought)

  • 임옥균
    • 한국철학논집
    • /
    • 제53호
    • /
    • pp.63-100
    • /
    • 2017
  • 이 글에서는 정재 남대년(1887~1958)의 학문과 사상을 리기심성론에 관한 견해, 유교경전해석, 역대인물평으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 먼저 리기 심성론에 대한 정재의 견해를 살펴보면, 정재는 리무위(理無爲), 기유위(氣有爲)의 주장을 평생 견지하였다. 다음으로 스승 간재의 성사심제설(性師心弟說)에 대한 정재의 입장을 살펴보면, 그것이 공자와 맹자의 도통을 이은 것이라고 평가하면서도, 심의 주재성이라는 측면은 잘 드러내지 못한다고 생각했던 것으로 보인다. 마지막으로 심즉리설에 대해서는 비판적 입장을 견지하였다. 정재의 유교경전해석을 살펴보면, "논어"와 "맹자"를 중심으로 하여 사서에 대한 해석이 대부분을 차지하는데, 이는 사서를 중시했던 주자 이래의 성리학의 전통을 이은 것이라고 하겠다. 정재는 "논어"의 해석을 통해서는 인과 효의 중요성을 강조하였고, "맹자"의 해석을 통해서는 사단과 사덕의 관계를 정밀하게 규명하고, 사(士)로서의 자의식을 보여주었다. 또한 "대학"의 자기설(自欺說), "중용"의 계구설(戒懼說)을 분석하기도 하였다. 또한 정재는 그의 "정재집"에서 중국과 우리나라의 여러 인물에 대한 평가도 진행하였는데, 그 평가의 기준은 절의와 식견이었다. 정재는 굴원과 노중련의 충성과 절의를 높이 평가하였으며, 진덕수는 학문적으로 뛰어난 분이었지만 출처에는 문제가 있었다고 평가하였다. 청의 육롱기와 장리상을 비교하면서, 육롱기가 이적의 나라인 청나라에서 벼슬을 한 것은 절의를 저버린 것이었다고 평가하였다. 정재는 우리나라의 인물들에 대해서도 평가를 진행하였는데, 포은은 우리나라에서 리학을 연 분으로, 정암은 지치를 회복하려 한 분으로, 퇴계는 해외 주자의 적전(嫡傳)으로, 율곡은 내성외왕을 실천한 유학의 표준으로, 스승 간재는 당대의 진실한 학문을 지닌 분으로 평가하였다.

마음의 상실과 회복의 전망 : 물리주의(수반이론, 제거주의)에 대한 유가적(儒家的) 비판 (Physicallism, Supervenience, and Eliminativism, on Theory of Mind-Body Relation)

  • 임헌규
    • 동양고전연구
    • /
    • 제32호
    • /
    • pp.215-244
    • /
    • 2008
  • 이 논문은 현대 영미철학에서 주도적인 위치에 있는 '물리주의적 존재론'과 그 귀결로서의 '물리주의적 심리철학'을 메타이론적인 측면에서 비판하고, 그 대안을 모색하는 단초를 유가철학에서 찾을 것을 제안하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 여기서 필자는 과학주의적인 태도로 정식화된 물리주의와, 물리주의 심리철학 중 가장 온건한 입장인 심신수반이론, 그리고 가장 강력한 물리주의 심리철학인 제거주의를 논의하고 그것을 비판하였다. 우선 필자는 모든 이론체계의 구축에 동원된 언어재료는 편의 위주로 채택된 가정체이기 때문에 과학의 체계는 실재의 모사나 반영이라기보다는 '세계 해석의 전체적 체계'에 지나지 않는다는 현대 과학철학자들의 논의를 배경으로 하여 '물리주의(物理主義)' 또한 그 자체 자명한 분석적 진리가 아니라, 근현대 과학적 세계관에 배경을 두고 형성된 역사-상대적인 것에 지나지 않으며, 따라서 '물리적인 것' 또한 역사상대적인 물리주의의 요청에 따라 가정된 신화(神話)에 불과하다고 주장하였다. 그리고 최소 물리주의를 표방하고 있는 '심신 수반이론'은 그 자체 내에 수많은 상반되는 입장(이원론, 창발론, 속성이원론 등)을 포괄하기 때문에 심신 문제의 해결책은 될 수 없다는 주장을 살펴보았다. 이어 최대 물리주의로서 제거주의(除去主義)는 잘못된 전제에 토대를 두고 '심적인 것'을 완전히 해소-제거시키고자 하는 입장으로 건전한 상식에 너무나도 상반된다고 주장하였다. '물리주의' 및 '물리주의적 심리철학'은 인간과 동물의 차이를 뇌의 능력차이일 뿐이라고 주장하고 있다. 그리고 결론으로서 필자는 물리주의와 물리주의적 심리철학은 의미를 구성하는 우리의 '마음'의 문제를 남겨 두고 있거나 혹은 간과하고 있는 바, 이러한 마음의 문제는 유가(儒家)의 심성론(心性論)이 풍부한 소재를 제공해 주고 있다고 제안하였다.

조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 - (A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po -)

  • 이선재
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제16권
    • /
    • pp.221-229
    • /
    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

  • PDF

조선 유학자들에 비친 여헌의 인물됨과 학문 (Yeoheon's Personality and Learning from the Viewpoint of the Joseon Confucian scholars)

  • 장숙필
    • 동양고전연구
    • /
    • 제57호
    • /
    • pp.67-102
    • /
    • 2014
  • 여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)(1554-1637)은 17세기 전반기 영남유학을 대표하는 산림처사이자 철학자이다. 그는 당대 지식인들로부터 진정으로 군자다운 사람, 아동(我東)의 공자(孔子), 심지어 신인(神人), 성인(聖人)으로까지 칭송되었으며, 사문(斯文)의 주석(柱石), 사림의 의범(儀範)으로 인정받았다. 경세가로서의 그의 모습은 두 차례의 지방관에서는 유가적인 도덕정치, 즉 민생안정과 교화의 정치를 실현한 인물로 평가되었고, 산림으로 초빙되었을 때는 왕으로부터 바르고 어질고 겸손하고 검소하여 옛사람의 풍도(風度)가 있다고 평가받았으며, 학자들로부터는 당대 정치의향배를 결정하는 중요한 인물로 평가되었다. 그의 학문은, 이학(易學)에 있어서는 철저하게 정주학에 근본하면서도 정주의 해석을 넘어서는 업적을 세웠으며, 우주사업은 실천학으로서의 유학의 성격을 밝혔고, 예설은 회암(晦庵)의 유서(遺書)를 따르되 고예(古禮)를 서로 참조하여 말속(末俗)의 오류를 씻어내었다는 평가를 받았다. 그러나 성리설의 경우, 퇴율이후의 당파성을 넘어서서 이기사칠설(理氣四七說)의 본질을 밝힘으로써 실천지학으로서의 유학 본연의 가치를 회복하기 위해 제시된 이기경위설(理氣經緯說)은 그것이 퇴계의 호발설과 합치되지 않는다는 점에서 영남의 퇴계학파 및 근기남인에 의해 비판되기도 하였다. 그러나 이런 여헌의 학문은 조선유학이 주이(主理),주기(主氣)로 대분되는 단편적인 것이 아니라 보다 입체적이고 다양한 모습을 갖춘 것임을 확인시켜주며, 또한 그의 우주사업과 노인사업은 조선유학의 도덕론이 단순히 공리공론이 아닌 실천적인 것임을 잘 보여주고 있다.

한역(漢易) 괘기설(卦氣說)의 학술적 배경에 대한 연구 (A Study on the Academic Background of Gwae(卦氣) Theory of Yiology in Han(漢) Dynasty)

  • 은석민
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제21권3호
    • /
    • pp.69-81
    • /
    • 2008
  • Gwae(卦氣) theory was one of the main theoretical foundation of yiology in the Han(漢)-dynasty. It was based on the concept that the trigram or hexagram of the book of change corresponds to the seasonal point such as 24 solar terms in one year, so there was so much influence from astronomy and divination system of that time in the development of theoretical principle of Gwae(卦氣) theory. Since Han(漢) Dynasty, the theoretical method such as Gwae(卦氣) theory that correlates the astronomy and divination system with the book of change, had become one of the main academic thoughts throughout the entire history in China, and it was also like that in medicine. Nevertheless there still exists the skeptical sights that Gwae(卦氣) theory was not a part of orthodox yiology, that had been developed by Confucian scholar and had also been recognized as the right path to the study of the book of change. Nowadays because of the new opportunity such as the excavation of the ancient silk script, this kind of controversy has moved on its another step. With regard to this problem, this article will treat the current thoughts about the Gwae(卦氣) theory and think about the substantial basis of each point of view.

  • PDF

중국(中國) 회화이론(繪畵理論)과 원림건축사상(園林建築思想) 비교연구(比較硏究) (A Comparative study on the thought of Chinese landscape architecture and Painting theory)

  • 김정용
    • 건축역사연구
    • /
    • 제8권2호
    • /
    • pp.33-45
    • /
    • 1999
  • The essence of Chinese landscape architecture is realization of a space that embraces nature and human integrating the openness and encloseness. The concept of landscape architecture that artificially furnishes natural elegance into urban areas coincides with the spiritual basis of Chinese literati-painting which subjectifies the scenery of objective world and entrusts personal feelings on that. In other words, the ultimate ideal of Chinese landscape architecture is embodying the Utopia of confucian intellectual in a city. This paper has tried to shed a light on inter-relationship of literati-painting theory and Chinese landscape architecture theory through comparing them. It is the identical spiritual basis they shared harmoniously that made landscape architecture, poetry and painting possible to meet.

  • PDF

한국유교의 기원과 동이문화(東夷文化) - 류승국 교수의 설을 논함 - (The Origin of Korean Confucianism and Dongyi Culture - Discussion on the Theory of Professor Lew, Seung-Kook)

  • 최영성
    • 한국철학논집
    • /
    • 제57호
    • /
    • pp.31-55
    • /
    • 2018
  • 도원(道原) 류승국(柳承國: 1923~2011) 교수는 20세기 한국 동양철학계의 거장이었다. 또 '한국사상의 원형(原型) 정립'에 심혈을 기울였던 '한국철학'의 개척자였다. 학문의 뿌리는 '유학'이었지만 동양철학 전반에 걸쳐 폭넓게 연찬하였다. 류 교수는 '유교사상이 어떻게 형성되었는지'에 대하여 남다른 견해를 보였다. 그는 1970년 이전에 나온 고고학-특히 갑골학- 의 연구 성과와 종래의 문헌에서 말했던 내용을 정밀하게 비교 분석하는 작업을 다년간 수행하였다. 그 결과 "유학사상 형성의 근원을 논함에 있어 동이족과의 관계를 분리하여 생각할 수 없다"는 결론을 얻었다. 유교는 동이와의 관계 속에서 형성되었다는 것이다. 그가 동이족-인방족(人方族)에 대해 주목한 것은 '동이족과 그 문화'를 살피는 데 목적이 있었던 것이 아니다. 유교사상이 어떻게 형성되었고, 그 과정에서 동이족과 어느 정도 관련성이 있었는지를 고찰하는 데 목적이 있었다. 이것은 그가 의도했던, 의도하지 않았든 간에 '한국사상의 원형'을 탐색하는 작업과도 맞물려 있었다. 류승국 교수의 설은 당시는 물론 현재까지 학계의 통설과 다르다. 아직까지 학계에서 정면으로 논한 적이 없음은 아쉬운 일이다. 중국의 동북공정(東北工程)이 노골화한 이 시점에 류승국 교수의 학설을 진지하게 검토하는 것이 필요하다고 본다.

『동의수세보원(東醫壽世保元)』 해석의 몇 가지 문제들 (Some Problems of Reading Donguisusebowon)

  • 최대우
    • 사상체질의학회지
    • /
    • 제25권3호
    • /
    • pp.135-144
    • /
    • 2013
  • Objectives Two conflicting readings of "Donguisusebowon" so far have been presented that Sasang Constitutional Medicine inherited the traditional Five Elements theory and that it was a new perspective on its own right. The main purpose of this paper is to review the theoretical ground of Sasang Constitutional Medicine to see whether it has inherited the Traditional Korean Medicine, and show that it had been developed as an original view independent of the Five Elements theory. Methods To do this, I inquired into the theoretical background of Sasang Constitutional Medicine as well as its philosophical premises and its leading ideas. Results and Conclusions As a result, I have found that Sasang Constitutional Medicine is an original medical theory developed in empirical terms on its own right, divorced from the transcendental view of the Five Elements theory, while borrowing some concepts from I-Ching and Neo-Confucianism only for technical tools. In short, Sasang Constitutional Medicine may well be put as calling for a reappraisal of the Han-medical and Confucian accounts of human being, and a transition from speculative method based on the Five Elements theory to a verifiable empirical method. In this vein, my reading of Sasang Constitutional Medicine in empirical perspective may well be appraised as presenting a new way to further inquiries into the theoretical nature of it, and to getting itself across with Western medicine as well.

동무(東武) 이제마(李濟馬)의 의학사상(醫學思想)에 대한 연구(硏究) (Research on Tongmu I Je-ma's medical idea)

  • 백상용
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제13권1호
    • /
    • pp.117-145
    • /
    • 2000
  • Tongmu I Je-ma(1837-1900) set up Sasang Constitutional Medicine(四象體質醫學), a medical theory that would be original in the Korean medical history through his book ${\ll}$Tang-uisusebowon(東醫壽世保元)${\gg}$. In this book, he writes that he found the clue to his sasang Constitution(四象體質) theory from ${\ll}$Hwangjenaegyong(黃帝內經)${\gg}$. But the main logic that gives shape to the Constitution(體質) theory is $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ theory(性情論) of Confucian. Therefore, Tongmu(東武)'s Constitution $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ theory(體質性情論) is fundamentally based on confucian thoughts. Kongmaeng(孔孟) saw $s{\check{o}}ng$(性) as a base for connecting the entire mankind to be united, and $ch{\check{o}}ng$(情) as a individual thing that can exalted differently according to one's state of mind. Chuja(朱子) weakene the human's active volition by dividing $s{\check{o}}ng$ and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ as ibal(理發) and kibal(氣發) and therefore describing mankind to be submitted to Heaven's will. On the other hand Yolgok(栗谷) generalized $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ in the active mind of man himself by saying that $s{\check{o}}ng$ is when i-ki(理氣) does not act as a bodily function of the mind and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ is when it does. Furthennore he emphasized man's activeness on pursuing good by saying that the division of good and bad does not start from the origin of motion but is divided by the condition of ki(氣) which leads motion. Tongmu, who was influenced by Yulgok linked both $s{\check{o}}ng$and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ through, happiness, anger, sadness, pleasure(喜怒哀樂), and saw $s{\check{o}}ng$ as the ability to recognize good which is in the kijil(氣質) formed from the integration of i-ki, and saw $ch{\check{o}}ng$ as $s{\check{o}}ng$ blurred by man's greed. In addition to this, he says that the direct connection between each person's divergence in $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ and the condition of Four-organ(四臟) which is ki, not the mind which is i(理) forms sasangch'ejirin(四象體質人). His theory that illness comes from the partiality of $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ and therefore can prevent this by clarifying the mind and adjusting $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ through volition, has led Korean oriental medicine to be human based.

  • PDF