• Title/Summary/Keyword: Confucian theory

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심의고(深依考)

  • Kim, In-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.1
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    • pp.101-117
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    • 1977
  • This thesis is a study of the Simui(深衣) system which was a dress regulation peculiar to old China with skirt and coat. The origin of Simui is a very long time, that is, before Ju dynasty in China. Its wearing range had a large circle irrespective of rank and good or bad luck. This was a ordinary dress to the Emperor or the lords, a below court attire or a below sacrificial rites attire to the illustrious officials, and good luck dress to the common people. But this was a funeral rites attire or coming-of-age ceremony attire in domestic behaviour. In the times of Song dynasty, lots of confucian scholars had put on this simui because of Juhi's recommendation for domestic behaviour. This Simui had been put on through all the times of China and was the original text of all the dress. Especially the court attire and silkworm working dress of Empress, and the court attire and underwear court attire of Emperor is also made out of this Simui, therefore this is a origin of the ceremonial dress which formed into long coat. In Korea it is said that this Simui was brought in prior to the middle of Goryeo dynasty. But we can't tell the correct transmitted age. According to the following records in Goryeo History, "King had put on the Simui as a sacrificial rite attire in the times of Yejong". It is sure that this Simui was brought in prior to the times of Yejong. In fact, lots of confucian scholars had put on the Simui since the introduction of confucianism in the end of Goryeo dynasty and after that time this was taken by many confucian scholars through Yi dynasty. Korean Simui system was complied with Chinese system through confucian domestic behaviour, This was respected for court dress of confucian scholars, as it were, Chumri, (an ordinary dress of scholars), Nansam (a uniform of upper student), and Hakchangui (a uniform of confucian student). There are many deta about Simui system in the book of Yeki, chapter Okcho and Simui, and other many canfucian books. But we didn't demonstrate the theory about it till now. Especially there are diversifies of opinions about the phrase of "Sok Im Ku Byun" in Yeki. Simui was cut in separate and then was stitched together in one piece. Generally its shape had round sleeve and angled lapel, its length reaches to the anklebone. And it has a line around the lapel, the sleeve band, and the edge of skirt. It is called Simui because the body can be wrapped deeply in broad width and large sleeve. The Simui was made of white fine linen and was cut by the natural size of body. Every part of Simui had a profound meaning; the round sleeve in compliance with regulation can keep a courtesy when a walker moves his hands and the angled lapel like a carpenter's square in compliance with square keeps them front loosing their Justice and a string of the back also keeps them loosing from their righteousness and the flat lower part of Simui makes their heart and mind calm. This Simui was usually attendant on a head cover and belt made cloth, and black shoes. This thesis was made a study of documents and portrait from Yi dynasty, for the actual object was not obtained.

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Jeongjae(正齋) Nam Dae-nyeon's(南大秊) Study and Thought (정재(正齋) 남대년(南大秊)의 학문과 사상)

  • Lim, Ok-kyun
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.53
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    • pp.63-100
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    • 2017
  • In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.

Physicallism, Supervenience, and Eliminativism, on Theory of Mind-Body Relation (마음의 상실과 회복의 전망 : 물리주의(수반이론, 제거주의)에 대한 유가적(儒家的) 비판)

  • Lim, Heon-gyu
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.215-244
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    • 2008
  • This article's aim is to criticise ontological physicallism, supervenience, and eliminativism on theory of mind-body relation, and to present Confucian theory of mind-body relation as an alternative. Confucianism on theory of mind-body relation. Ontological physicallism reduce 'the psycho' to 'the physical'. Therefore, Physicallism as theory of mind-body relation reduce mind to physical body. Mind-Body supervenience theory insists property co-variation and dependency of mind-body. Eliminative materialism is to eliminate 'the psycho'. But confucianists believe in reality of the human mind-heart & it's nature. Confucianism is to establish the mina-heart & it's nature as real. Confucianism can be an alternative of physicallism, supervenience, and eliminativism on theory of mind-body relation. And Confucian's opinion differs from theory of the substance and phenomenalism.

A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po - (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Lee, Sun-Jae
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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Yeoheon's Personality and Learning from the Viewpoint of the Joseon Confucian scholars (조선 유학자들에 비친 여헌의 인물됨과 학문)

  • Jang, sookpil
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.57
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    • pp.67-102
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    • 2014
  • Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.

A Study on the Academic Background of Gwae(卦氣) Theory of Yiology in Han(漢) Dynasty (한역(漢易) 괘기설(卦氣說)의 학술적 배경에 대한 연구)

  • Eun, Seok-Min
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.21 no.3
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    • pp.69-81
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    • 2008
  • Gwae(卦氣) theory was one of the main theoretical foundation of yiology in the Han(漢)-dynasty. It was based on the concept that the trigram or hexagram of the book of change corresponds to the seasonal point such as 24 solar terms in one year, so there was so much influence from astronomy and divination system of that time in the development of theoretical principle of Gwae(卦氣) theory. Since Han(漢) Dynasty, the theoretical method such as Gwae(卦氣) theory that correlates the astronomy and divination system with the book of change, had become one of the main academic thoughts throughout the entire history in China, and it was also like that in medicine. Nevertheless there still exists the skeptical sights that Gwae(卦氣) theory was not a part of orthodox yiology, that had been developed by Confucian scholar and had also been recognized as the right path to the study of the book of change. Nowadays because of the new opportunity such as the excavation of the ancient silk script, this kind of controversy has moved on its another step. With regard to this problem, this article will treat the current thoughts about the Gwae(卦氣) theory and think about the substantial basis of each point of view.

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A Comparative study on the thought of Chinese landscape architecture and Painting theory (중국(中國) 회화이론(繪畵理論)과 원림건축사상(園林建築思想) 비교연구(比較硏究))

  • Kim, Jung-Yong
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.8 no.2 s.19
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    • pp.33-45
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    • 1999
  • The essence of Chinese landscape architecture is realization of a space that embraces nature and human integrating the openness and encloseness. The concept of landscape architecture that artificially furnishes natural elegance into urban areas coincides with the spiritual basis of Chinese literati-painting which subjectifies the scenery of objective world and entrusts personal feelings on that. In other words, the ultimate ideal of Chinese landscape architecture is embodying the Utopia of confucian intellectual in a city. This paper has tried to shed a light on inter-relationship of literati-painting theory and Chinese landscape architecture theory through comparing them. It is the identical spiritual basis they shared harmoniously that made landscape architecture, poetry and painting possible to meet.

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The Origin of Korean Confucianism and Dongyi Culture - Discussion on the Theory of Professor Lew, Seung-Kook (한국유교의 기원과 동이문화(東夷文化) - 류승국 교수의 설을 논함 -)

  • Choi, Young Sung
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.31-55
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    • 2018
  • Professor Dowon (道原) Lew, Seung-Kook (柳承國: 1923~2011) was a master of Eastern philosophy in Korea, in the 20th century. 'Confucianism' was the root of his discipline. Nevertheless he studied extensively throughout Eastern philosophy. He was also a pioneer of 'Korean Philosophy', who devoted himself to 'establishing the original form (原型) of Korean thought'. Professor Lew showed a unique view on how Confucian thought was formed. He has done many years of precise comparative analysis of the results of archaeological studies before 1970, particularly the study of bone-and-shell inions, and what was said in previous literature. As a result, he concluded that "we cannot discuss the origins of Confucian thought by separating the relationship with the Dongyi tribe". Confucianism was formed in relation to Dongyi. The purpose of his attention to the Dongyi tribe - RenFang tribe (人方族) was not to examine Dongyi tribe and its culture. His purpose was to examine how Confucian thought was formed and to examine the relevance of Dongyi tribe in this process. This was in conjunction with the task of exploring 'the original form of Korean thought', whether he pretended or not. Professor Lew, Seung-Kook's theory differed not only from the conventional view of the academic world in his time but also from the conventional view up to now. It is a pity that it was not yet discussed it in the academic world. I consider that it is necessary to seriously review Professor Lew and Seung-Kook's theory at this point when China has outlined the Northeast project (東北工程).

Some Problems of Reading Donguisusebowon (『동의수세보원(東醫壽世保元)』 해석의 몇 가지 문제들)

  • Choi, Dae-Woo
    • Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.135-144
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    • 2013
  • Objectives Two conflicting readings of "Donguisusebowon" so far have been presented that Sasang Constitutional Medicine inherited the traditional Five Elements theory and that it was a new perspective on its own right. The main purpose of this paper is to review the theoretical ground of Sasang Constitutional Medicine to see whether it has inherited the Traditional Korean Medicine, and show that it had been developed as an original view independent of the Five Elements theory. Methods To do this, I inquired into the theoretical background of Sasang Constitutional Medicine as well as its philosophical premises and its leading ideas. Results and Conclusions As a result, I have found that Sasang Constitutional Medicine is an original medical theory developed in empirical terms on its own right, divorced from the transcendental view of the Five Elements theory, while borrowing some concepts from I-Ching and Neo-Confucianism only for technical tools. In short, Sasang Constitutional Medicine may well be put as calling for a reappraisal of the Han-medical and Confucian accounts of human being, and a transition from speculative method based on the Five Elements theory to a verifiable empirical method. In this vein, my reading of Sasang Constitutional Medicine in empirical perspective may well be appraised as presenting a new way to further inquiries into the theoretical nature of it, and to getting itself across with Western medicine as well.

Research on Tongmu I Je-ma's medical idea (동무(東武) 이제마(李濟馬)의 의학사상(醫學思想)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Baek Sang-Yong
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.117-145
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    • 2000
  • Tongmu I Je-ma(1837-1900) set up Sasang Constitutional Medicine(四象體質醫學), a medical theory that would be original in the Korean medical history through his book ${\ll}$Tang-uisusebowon(東醫壽世保元)${\gg}$. In this book, he writes that he found the clue to his sasang Constitution(四象體質) theory from ${\ll}$Hwangjenaegyong(黃帝內經)${\gg}$. But the main logic that gives shape to the Constitution(體質) theory is $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ theory(性情論) of Confucian. Therefore, Tongmu(東武)'s Constitution $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ theory(體質性情論) is fundamentally based on confucian thoughts. Kongmaeng(孔孟) saw $s{\check{o}}ng$(性) as a base for connecting the entire mankind to be united, and $ch{\check{o}}ng$(情) as a individual thing that can exalted differently according to one's state of mind. Chuja(朱子) weakene the human's active volition by dividing $s{\check{o}}ng$ and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ as ibal(理發) and kibal(氣發) and therefore describing mankind to be submitted to Heaven's will. On the other hand Yolgok(栗谷) generalized $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ in the active mind of man himself by saying that $s{\check{o}}ng$ is when i-ki(理氣) does not act as a bodily function of the mind and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ is when it does. Furthennore he emphasized man's activeness on pursuing good by saying that the division of good and bad does not start from the origin of motion but is divided by the condition of ki(氣) which leads motion. Tongmu, who was influenced by Yulgok linked both $s{\check{o}}ng$and $ch{\check{o}}ng$ through, happiness, anger, sadness, pleasure(喜怒哀樂), and saw $s{\check{o}}ng$ as the ability to recognize good which is in the kijil(氣質) formed from the integration of i-ki, and saw $ch{\check{o}}ng$ as $s{\check{o}}ng$ blurred by man's greed. In addition to this, he says that the direct connection between each person's divergence in $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ and the condition of Four-organ(四臟) which is ki, not the mind which is i(理) forms sasangch'ejirin(四象體質人). His theory that illness comes from the partiality of $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ and therefore can prevent this by clarifying the mind and adjusting $s{\check{o}}ng-ch{\check{o}}ng$ through volition, has led Korean oriental medicine to be human based.

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