• Title/Summary/Keyword: Confucian Scholar

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Characteristic on the Layout and Semantic Interpretation of Chungryu-Gugok, Dongaksan Mountain, Gokseong (곡성 동악산 청류구곡(淸流九曲)의 형태 및 의미론적 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Huh, Joon;Lee, Jung-Han;Han, Sang-Yub
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.4
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    • pp.24-36
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    • 2014
  • The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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Spatial Composition and Landscape Characteristics of Shimwon-Pavilion Garden in Chilgok - Focusing on 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries' and 「Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgi(心遠亭水石記)」 - (칠곡 심원정원림의 공간구성과 경관특성 - '심원정 25영(心遠亭 二十五詠)'과 「심원정수석기(心遠亭水石記)」를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Hwa-Ok;Park, Yool-Jin;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Seop;Cho, Ho-Hyeon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.2
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    • pp.27-34
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    • 2016
  • The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

Interpretation and Preservation Plan for Landscapes of Okyeonsipyeong at Buyongdae, Hahoe Village - Based on the Writings of "Okyeonseodanggi" and "Okyeonsipyeong" - (하회마을 부용대의 경관 해석 및 보전방안 - "옥연서당기(玉淵書堂記)"와 "옥연십영(玉淵十詠)"을 중심으로-)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Oh, Hyun-Kyung;Shin, Sang-Sup
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.59-70
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    • 2013
  • This study was to suggest cultural landscape preservation, value creation, as well as utilization plan to help landscape development of Hahoe village by identify the existence of Okyeonsipyeong(玉淵十詠) natural features, which were set around Buyongdae(芙蓉臺) in Hahoe Village by Seoae(西崖) Ryu, Seongryong(柳成龍), and understanding their characteristics and meanings of natural features and meanings. Based on the writings of "Okyeonseodanggi" and "Okyeonsipyeong", the major results of this study are as belows. 'Okyeon(玉淵)' letters carved on the rocks, also known as the name of pavilion in Okyeonjeongsa(玉淵精舍), is the center of Okyeonsipyeong that symbolizes the enlightenment of clean noble man, as well as the symbolic locational expression of studying room. One of Okyeonsipyeong, 'Wansimjae', is assumed to be the name from the combination of two Buddhist names, 'Wanjeok(玩寂)' and 'Seshim(洗心)', 'Dangho(堂號)', lined on both sides with Wonlakjae, the residence of Seoae, as the center. Wansimjae is after all the natural feature indicating the overall Okyeonjeongsa as the core of Okyeonsipyeong with west edge Gyeomamjeongsa(謙巖精舍). Among ten Okyeonsipyeong natural features, Wansimjae(玩心齋), Ganjukmun(看竹門), Gyeomamsa(謙菴舍), Dalgwandae(達觀臺), Ssangsongae(雙松厓), and Dohwacheon (桃花遷) are on the right side of the stairway from Okyeonjeongsa to Gyeomamjeongsa, while Chuwoldam(秋月潭), Neungpadae(凌波臺), Gyeseonam(繫船巖), and Jijuam(砥柱巖) are on the road to the cliff under river cliff in Buyongdae as well as to the dock, and all are located within 500m radius close and diameter area. As the results of lexeme and context analyses of Okyeonsipyeong poet, they are mainly about Confucian teachings symbolizing the constancy of the classical scholar including ego becoming one with the nature and back to the nature, unworldliness and farsighted view, transcendence and seclusion, as well as integrity spirit. In Dohwacheon and Gyeomamsa poets, there is Tao characteristics and brotherhood that pursue fairylands such as Mooreungdowon(武陵桃源). To create tourism brand and landscape of Okyeonsipyeong, it is necessary to prepare storytelling plans including the letters carved on the rocks introduction in Buyongdae area, and also synopsis of the Silgyeongsusang musical, 'Buyongjiae(芙蓉之愛)' that is related to 10 natural features. In addition, the related plans of the experience road from Gyeseonam, which is the boat stop in Buyongdae, to Ganjukmun of Okyeonjeongsa, and again to viewing routes on the stairways to Gyeomamjeongsa using boats are necessary. For preliminary preservation and maintenance plans, the safety of the stairway from Okyeonjeongsa to Gyeomamjeongsa should be secured, the rock inscription should be preserved, landscape interpretation plates should be installed, trees and shrubs around Dohwacheon rock inscription should be removed, Dalgwandae letters carved on the rocks should be restored, and the bamboo forest outside Ganjukmun as well as Prunus persica plantation around Dohwacheon should be pointed out.

A Study on the Spatial Structure and landscape techniques of the Central Government Office(中央官衙) reviewed through the 'Sukchunjeado(宿踐諸衙圖)' ('숙천제아도(宿踐諸衙圖)'를 통해 본 조선시대 중앙관아의 공간구조와 조경기법)

  • Shin, Sang-sup;Kim, Hyun-wuk;Park, Young-kwan
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.3
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    • pp.42-59
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    • 2014
  • Han Pilgyo (1807~1878) was a scholar-official in the later period of the Joseon Dynasty. The research results on spatial structure and landscape techniques of the central government office reviewed through the Sukcheonjeado(宿踐諸衙圖) album collection edited by Han Pilgyo are as follows. First, Sukcheonjeado(宿踐諸衙圖) using Sabangjeondomyobeob(四方顚倒描法, a Korean traditional drawing type) is uniquely proven historical data which helps to understand the spatial structure of the center and local government offices and the characteristics of cultural landscape. Secondly, the central government office located in Yookcho(六曹) Street which is the outside Gwanghwamun(光化門) of the Main Palace(Gyeongbokgung, 景福宮) of the Joseon Dynasty has a center facility(Dangsangdaecheong, 堂上大廳) and attached buildings which are distributed from high to low or from left to right, according to its order of presidency in square-shaped portion of land. The main building was located facing south and by considering the administrative convenience, the environmental effect and the practice of Confucian norms this structure reflects a hierarchical landuse system. Thirdly, the main buildings such as Dangsangdaecheong and Hyangcheong(鄕廳), which are the working place for government officials had large square front yards for constructing a practical patio garden. The back garden was tended to reflect the meaning landscape, with such as pond and pavilion. A particular point was the repeated crossing of active space and passive space(movement and stillness, building and yard, yard and garden), which implements the Yin-Yang principle. Fourth, the characteristics that can be extracted from the central government office landscapes are (1) expandability of outdoor space, connects of front gardens, emphasizes the characteristic of serviceable gardens and back gardens, which in turn emphasizes scenic sides, (2) introduction of water features(square-shaped ponds) that can be used as fire-water and considers environmental-amenity and landscape characteristics, (3) introduction of pavilions for relaxation, mental and physical discipline, and the development of back gardens, (4) significance of Jeongsimsoo(庭心樹) in such things as selection of concise landscape plants like lotus, willow, pine, zelkova and so on, and limited plant introduction, (5) environmental design techniques which set importance on not only aesthetics and ideality but also practical value. Thus, these aspects of the government office landscape can be said to be the universality and particularity of Korean traditional landscape technique and can be extracted similarly in the palaces, temples, lecture halls, and houses of the upper class of the Joseon Dynasty.

Semantic Interpretation of the Nu-Jeong Cultural Landscape During the 16~18th Century at Youngnam and Honam Area -Focusing on the Designated Cultural Properties- (16~18세기 영·호남 누정에 깃든 문화경관의 의미론적 해석 - 지정 문화재를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun Woo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.190-217
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    • 2012
  • This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

Seongdam Song Hwan-gi's Understanding of Buddhism (성담(性潭) 송환기(宋煥箕)의 불교인식)

  • Kim, Jong-soo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.38
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    • pp.209-242
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    • 2021
  • This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

A Study on Calligraphy theory and the Calligraphy and Paintings aesthetic of GangAm, Song Sungyong (강암(剛菴) 송성용(宋成鏞)의 서예관과 서화미학 고찰)

  • Kim, Doyoung
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.7 no.4
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    • pp.273-280
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    • 2021
  • GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

A Study on the Meaning and Cultural Properties Value of Rock-Go-Board from the Viewpoint of Site and Location Characteristics (입지와 장소 특성으로 본 암각바둑판의 의미와 문화재적 가치)

  • Park, Joo Sung;Rho, Jae Hyun;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.172-205
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    • 2011
  • Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.