• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-98
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• 2021

This paper examines the ways in which Hollywood feature films produced and widely circulated with the establishment of the studio system was consumed in the ethnically segregated Korean movie theaters in Kyǒngsǒng in the 1920s. Focusing on how those theaters appropriated what Hollywood represented, this paper has three objectives. First, from a historical and economic perspective, I will historicize the emergence of so-called prestige pictures and how movies became a branded product in that process. Second, I will also loot at how Chosǒn Theater, one of the earliest movie theaters in the Korean-resident area in Kyǒngsǒng who sought to be a prestigious movie palace actively exploited Hollywood brand, by foregrounding its Paramount connection, in particular. Lastly, through a close reading of weekly programmes and handbills, I will examine how these promotional print materials, as an intermediating medium, helped to supplement the audiences' viewing of Hollywood movies while creating loyal audiences.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.243-253
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• 2019

Geyonggi-geommu have developed based on the long history of Korean sword dance. Han Sung-joon, the great master of modern music and dance of Korea during the Japanese colonial period, collected and reconstructed folk dances that had disappeared or were cut off due to the policy to obliterate Korean culture through Chosun Music Dance Research Society. Since then, it has been passed down to Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee that has designated as the Intangible Cultural Property No. 53. of Geyonggi-do in 2011. This study focuses on highlighting the uniqueness of Geyonggi-geommu for proper modeling and transmission of Geyonggi-geommu with historical significance so as to understand and preserve the Intangible Cultural Heritage. This study examines the transmission system of Geyonggi-geommu, followed by Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee, originated by the master Han Sung-Joon of Geyonggi-geommu. Geyonggi-geommu has its uniqueness of using the pure Korean dance terminology established by the holder Kim Geun-hee at the time of designation of intangible cultural properties in Gyeonggi-do. The unique features of Geyonggi-geommu are performed and transmitted in two forms, Daemu(Group dance) and Holchum(Solo dance) which are not currently found in other regions. This is meaningful to passed down according to the original form of Geommu(Sword dance). In particular, the Holchum(Solo dance) is a form of artistic dance, showing the beauty of the sword dance during the Chosun Dynasty. In short, Gyeonggi-geommu can be described as an artistic dance with a soft and strong temperament considering its unique features.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.29-51
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• 2010

The diversity of Southeast Asia can be also represented at the tremendous number of ethnic groups residing throughout its various regions even beyond national boundaries. What does it mean by the composite of numerous peoples? It has triggered a lot of problems in a nation or overall Southeast Asia. Among them, the most serious one seems to be ethnic conflicts having damaged national integration and caused political, economical, and social instability. In that respect, Karen people have been a minority group situated in the most chronic dispute in Myanmar. Since 1947 some of the Karen equipped with armed forces have been fighting against the military government currently ruling Myanmar. As the result, the refugees over 200,000 population had moved to the mountain camps located at neighboring Thailand, attracting a lot of attention throughout international societies. According to 1931 census by British colonial government, the Karen have the greatest numbers in population as minority and include 16 subgroups including Karenni(Kayah) and Pa-O seemingly excluded from its category in contemporary point of view. It means that Karen people should not be regarded as an ethnic group, and in fact do not show a homogeneous identity under the title of Karen. Given the situation, we need to reconsider the category of Karen. What does the Karen mean in a real sense? Previous studies on the Karen had been performed mainly by anthropologists or missionaries such as Marshall(1922), Hamilton (1976), Hanson Tadaw(1959), Smeaton(1920), Keyes(1979), Hayami (1992; 2004), etc. Most of them examined the Karen as a group and ignored the possibilities of representing the divergent identities vis-à-vis their subgroups. Therefore, they have focused on the myth to convert Karen people to Christianity, although the Christian Karens are less than 20% of total population. As a result, I argue that they would fail to define the real meaning of Karen. It has been caused us to recognize the Karen as a meaningless total entity to be accepted by all means. According to their arguments, the difference among Karen's subgroups is just dealt with the trivial matters that do not affect the ethnic boundary itself, still maintaining the ethnic identity as Karen. As we shall see on this thesis, this is never the case. My thesis aims at uncovering and scrutinizing the real meaning of the category of Karen. For the purpose of it, I will consider Karen people as a linguistic group from the beginning as shown in 1931 census. I argue that the Karen have been affected or exposed by various conditions or environments throughout the harsh history having happened on the areas of current Myanmar and Thailand, leading the vicissitudes of their ethnic identities.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.53-56
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• 2014

Hong Kong, a well-known metropolis characterized by skyscrapers on both sides of the Victoria Harbour, consists mainly of 3 parts, namely the Hong Kong Island, the Kowloon peninsula and the New Territories (N.T.) which is the land area north of Kowloon plus a number of outlying islands. Located in the N.T. are all the new towns, market towns; and in the plains and valleys lie scattered village houses of not more than 3 storeys within the confines of well-defined village. These village houses are governed by a rural housing policy that could be traced back to the very beginning of the former British administration in the N.T. By the Convention of Peking of 1898, the N.T., comprising the massive land area north of Kowloon up to Shenzhen River and 235 islands, was leased to Britain by China for 99 years from 1st July 1898. Soon after occupation, the colonial government conducted a survey of this uncharted territory from 1899 to 1903, and set up a land court to facilitate all land registration work and to resolve disputed claims. By 1905, the Block Crown Leases with Schedule of Lessees and details of the lots, each with a copy of the lot index plan (Demarcation Plan) were executed. Based on the above, Crown rent rolls were prepared for record and rent collection purposes. All grants of land thereafter are known as New Grant lots. After completion and execution of the Block Crown Lease in 1905, N.T. villagers had to purchase village house lots by means of Restricted Village Auctions; and Building Licences were issued to convert private agricultural land for building purposes but gradually replaced by Land Exchanges (i.e. to surrender agricultural land for the re-grant of building land) from the early 1960's until introduction of the current Small House Policy in October 1972. It was not until the current New Territories Small House Policy came into effect in December 1972 that the Land Authority can make direct grant of government land or approve the conversion of self-owned agricultural land to allow indigenous villagers to build houses within the village environs under concessionary terms. Such houses are currently restricted to 700 square feet in area and three storeys with a maximum height of 27 feet. An indigenous villager is a male descendent of a villager who was the resident of a recognized village already existing in 1898. Each villager is only allowed one concessionary grant in his lifetime. Upon return of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China on July 1st, 1997, the traditional rights of indigenous villagers are protected under Article 40 of the Basic Law (a mini-constitution of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region). Also all N.T. leases have been extended for 50 years up to 2047. Owing to the escalating demand and spiral landed property prices in recent years, abuse of the N.T. Small House Policy has been reported in some areas and is a concern in some quarters. The Hong Kong Institute of Land Administration attempts to study the history that leads to the current rural housing policy in the New Territories with particular emphasis on the small house policy, hoping that some light can be shed on the "way forward" for such a controversial policy.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.43
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• pp.149-175
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• 2015

There have been few researches about Christian imagination reflected in modern sijo. The purpose of this study was to provide basic information helpful to deeply understand Christian literature and clarify the history of Christian sijo literature. For this purpose, the study focused on pieces of sijo written by Seon Jeong-ju and Jang Sun-ha both of whom put out lots of sijo based on Christian imagination. The two poets are common in that they were born in the Japanese colonial period and started their career as a poet at an almost same time. First of all, how a sijo writer, Seon Jeong-ju applied Christian imagination to his pieces of sijo can be summarized as follows. As a poet and paster, Seon Jeong-ju wrote and published 6 volumes of sijo collection. His pieces of sijo were all written based on Christian imagination. Many of the pieces contain Christianity-related stories that were poetically represented through paradoxical imagination. Among pieces of sijo written by Seon Jeong-ju, some reveal enthusiasm for seeking after truth that he kept in mind as a clergyman and others, the poet's strong belief in the Resurrection. Next, Christian imagination that another sijo writer Jang Sun-ha reflected in his works can be briefed as follows. The poet published a sijo collection of his own in 2010. As one of the best representatives of the modern sijo circles, he is a veteran poet who is still creating pieces of sijo. Since he became a Christian in 1996, he has released more than 200 pieces of Christianity-based sijo including those contained in his sijo collection, "Introduction to Love Studies". Most of the Christian poets quoted words from the Bible or borrowed episodes described in the Book. In those poets, he uses imagination that is allusive to the confession of his faith and, in some cases implies his own views of eschatology. In conclusion, both Seon Jeong-ju and Jang Sun-ha wrote and published lots of sijo works on the basis of Christianity, and each of them built up his own world of Christian sijo. In many of the two poet's pieces of sijo, critical doctrines of Christianity and their desperate devotion to that religion are found. Both of them made remarkable poetic achievements, so they deserve being recognized as second to none in the history of Christian sijo literature.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 1991

This study deals with the evolutional history of the holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Korea. Fisheries resources have the basic characteristics of the density dependent self-regulating renewable and common property resources, Irrational utilization of fisheries resources is mainly due to the unlimited access to the resources. The holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Koryo era was opened to everyone. But it was nationalized in the early Yi Dynasty. The purpose of its nationalization was to provent the paticular powered-man with their monoplized holding and to levy fisheries tax. Eoeop-peop, the first modern fisheries law in Korea, was enacted as a part of the invasion policy of Japan in 1908. With the japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the Japanese Government established a new institutional system of fisheries as a part of an overall reformation of the institutional for an implementation of the colonial policy. It was very the new enacted Fisheries Law (Gyogyorei). Also the Government enacted compulsorily another new Fisheries Law (Chosen Gyogyorei) with its adjunct laws and regulations revise the institutional system of fisheries on May 1, 1930. After Eoeop-peop enactment, the fisheries resources in Korea could be used only under the license, permission, and statement. After Korea was from Japan in 1945, Korea Government at last enacted the new fisheries law (Susaneop-peop) in 1953. The goal of Susaneop-peop was to achive the general usage and protection of the fisheries resources, and to attain the development and democratization of the fishery in Korea. This law was amended 13 times until 1990. The license fishery have a legal right on the fishery, called a fishery rigt. This right means a right of exclusive occupation and utilization of a unit of the inshore fishing grounds. The main evolutional issues of license fishery are as the following : 1) the foundation of the exclusive usable fishery right(1911, Gyogyorei), 2) the deletion of the settled U9space lift net and settled space sein net fishery, and the expansion of the cooperative fishery-No.1, 2, and 3 type cooperative fishery-(3rd amendment, 1963), 3) the deletion of the No.2 and 3 type cooperative fishery, and the separation of the culturing fishery in No.1 and 2 type culturing fishery (13th amendment, 1990). The effective period of the license fishery was amended as the following : 1) 1908(Eoeop-peop) : within 10 years, renovation system, 2) 1929(Chosen Gyogyorei) : within 10 years, unlimited extension system, 3) 1971. 7th amendment : 10 years, renovation system, 4) 1972. 8th amendment : 10 years, only 1 extension system, 5) 1975. 9th amendment : 5-10 years, only 1 extension system, 6) 1990.13th amendment : 10 years, within 10 years of total extensional years. The priority order of the fishery license was established in 1953 (Susaneop-peop). The amendment of it is as follows : 1) 1953. enactment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is extablished 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the rest experienced fishermen 2) 1971. 9th amendment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is established 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 4th order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen 3) 1981. 10th amendment \circled1 the inside of No.1 type cooperative fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd orer : the rest experienced fishermen 4) 1990. 13th amendment \circled1 No.1 type cultural fishery 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 No.2 type cultural and settle fisher : general priority order The effective period of the permission fishery was amended 6 timed. First, it was within 5 years and renovation system (Eoeop-peop). Now it is 5 years and renovation system. The effective period of the statement fishery was amended 4 times. First, it was within 5 years, and then was amended within 3 years(Chonsen Gyogyorei). Now it is 5 years.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.77-110
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• 2004

This study is an exploration of a Korean-American writer, Hong-Eun's Mong-yu siga. Hong-Eun immigrated to the United States during the colonial rule of the Japanese government. He was a publisher of The New Korea Times, and contributed various literary works to it. The purpose of this study is to analyze his two Mong-yu sigas published in 1935 and 1947 and elucidate their meanings. Using dream as a primary motif, the intention of Mong-yu mode is to achieve desire which is impossible to reach in reality. While his staying in the United States, Hong-Eun could not return his home country for two reasons, that is, political and financial ones. To return Korea desperately, he wrote sigas by adopting Mong-yu mode. His first attempt was reflected as eight pieces of consecutive poetries titled This Mountain In My Dream, I am Home. This Mountain was published on the 25th of April, 1935 and In My Dream, I am Home was contributed from May the 9th of 1935 to July the fourth of the same year. These works were published in the The New Korea Times' poetry column under the pen name of Donghae-soboo , Representing gasa of the enlightenment era, this poetry depicts historical identity of Chosun dynasty, especially focusing on before and after the 1900s. As a result of it, the poetry sketches the ideology of the Middle Ages. His second attempt was A Country and Hometown written as a form of prelude on the 25th of September, 1947. In addition, A Country in My Dream was published as a form of six pieces of consecutive poetry from October the second to November the sixth of 1947. He chose sijo as a major form of poetry, and the image of the poetry seemed to be the continuation of his first attempt. Confronting the reality of the his own country which is divided, the writer expresses his antagonism toward America and Russia. Although he could eventually return his country later, he rationalized himself by saying that his it is not the ideal place to go. Mong-yu mode is a traditional poetic technique which the intellectuals of the Middle Age used to use as one pattern of allegory. In addition to this, in the period of the enlightenment of Korea, Mong-yu was used to avoid the Japanese censorship and experiment on the diverse ways of writing. In terms of literary history, the significance of Hong-Eun's creation of Mong-yu sigas is that Hong-Eun shares the same intention with Korean intellectuals of the enlightenment period.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.201-219
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• 1989

Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.