This article is aimed at understanding the political narratives represented in the National Museum of Indonesia. Starting initially as a colonial museum, the National Museum of Indonesia functioned as a useful tool for the Dutch colonial force to fuel its imaginations of the colonial territory and the people within it. The Dutch used the cultural display to advertize its benevolent colonial rule. All the while, the museum also inevitably reflected orientalism on the people and the culture of the colony. The republic of Indonesia inherited the colonial museum's practices and its display patterns. The business surrounding the museum also played a key role in the newly-born nation-state laying out a future for its redefined territory and people. Thus, what the colonial force imagined for the colonial territory through the study of museum displays was rather directly transferred to the republic without serious consideration of the decolonization process. Four main characteristics have been seen in the museum displays. The first is an emphasis on the glorious Hindu-Buddha history, from which numerous temples, statues, and jewelry have been found. Secondly, the Islamic period, which spanned between the Hindu-Buddha times to the colonial era, has almost completely been eliminated from the display. Third, the colonial era has been depicted as the time of Europe's exportation of scientific tools and adaption of sophisticated living patterns. Fourth, the images of ethnic groups were represented as being stagnant without reflecting any challenges and responses that these groups had faced throughout history. Looking at these display patterns, it can be concluded that all the dynamic internal developments and anti-colonial resistance that took place during the Islamic and Colonial Era have simply not been represented in the museum display. These display patterns do not reflect the real history or culture of the archipelago. Two considerations are thought to have influenced the neglecting of social realities in the display. The first of which is the Dutch's and Republic's apprehension over the possible political upheaval by the Islamic forces. Yet, more fundamentally, cultural displays themselves are distinct from historical education in that the former pays more attention to business ideas with an aim to attract tourists rather than to project objective historical knowledge. Thus, in cultural displays, objects which work to stimulate fantasies and spur curiosity on archipelagic culture tend to be selected and emphasized. In this process, historical objectivity is sometimes considered less vital. Cultural displays are set up to create more appealing narratives for viewers. Therefore, if a narrative loses its luster, it will be replaced by another flashy and newly-resurrected memory. This fact reveals that museums, as transmitters of historical knowledge, have a certain degree of limitation in playing their role.
In this study, we examine the changes to Korean medicine that occurred when 'proprietary medicines' (賣藥) swept through the pharmaceutical market during the Japanese occupation (1910-1945 C.E.). Proprietary medicine during the Japanese colonial period took various forms including ready-made, over-the-counter, patent, and nostrum type pharmaceuticals. This paper examines how Korean medicine, which was the dominant form of medicine during the Joseon Dynasty, was forced to adapt to the rise of proprietary medicines. We found that the prescription of Korean medicine herbal decoctions became more like proprietary medicine in the way that they were formulated. In addition, prescriptions in Korean medicine books were reformulated with prescriptions and medicines from outside the tradition. Proprietary medicines, many of which were made with secret recipes handed down in a family, also attracted attention. Such prescriptions were made famous through advertisements and further influenced future Korean medicine doctors. New prescriptions took advantage of the trust and authority existing in traditional Korean medicine by introducing ginseng and traditional medicinal herbs such as deer antler velvet (鹿茸, Cervi Parvum Cornu). This paper argues that proprietary medicine of the Japanese colonial period distorted the concept of traditional herbal medicine.
The main purpose of this study is to reveal the historical origins of Latin American economic underdevelopment, by answering two research questions; 1)'Why is Latin America underdeveloped?' and 2)'How has colonial experience impacted on the economic growth in Latin America?' First, this essay analyzes long-term tendency of growth domestic product(GDP) per capita data. The data verify that current underdevelopment of Latin American economy is the result of economic stagnation during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when Latin America suffered political and economic instability before and after the independence from Spain and Portugal. It elucidates that colonial experience affected on the economic growth in Latin America. Second, this essay reviews key independent variables of the relationship between colonial experience and economic growth in Latin America. To do so, the study categorizes extant literature into two groups according to the type of its independent variables: 1)internal factor and 2)external factor. Finally, the essay surveys the role of institutions in Latin American economic growth and development. The survey confirms that the importance of institutions in the study of Latin American economic history. In addition, the essay suggests some tasks for further research in Latin American economic history; 1)the construction of basic economic data, 2)the substantialization of the role and characteristics of institutions, and 3)the expansion of research on institutions which overcomes ideological rigidity of existing institutional approach.
Tainan was the capital of Taiwan and was the largest commercial city in Taiwan with a significant number of ports. However, after the end of the Qing era, the functions of the capital and major ports were shifted to Taipei and Kaohsiung, thus leading Tainan to lose its position. This article focuses on festivals in the city. The Qing dynasty administrative agency set up a local government that grouped multiple villages based on the religious beliefs which were closely related to the concept of the urban space as the primary temple. Mazu is an object of worship that attracted the attention of city residents from the Taisho era to the colonial era. At the Mazu temple in Tainan, which has acquired a new mystery, a Mazu festival was conducted with Mazu patrols. This festival was conducted from 1915 to 1937, when it was canceled due to the temple reorganization movement. At the festival, multiple participating groups used to compete to earn the luxury of running the pavilions. The procession ran through the north side of the city on the first day and the south side of the city on the second day. During this festival, in addition to going around the villages of the old city, a touring route was planned for the procession to pass through major landmarks related to the colonial administration and the Ginza-dori Shopping Street, which was newly created during the Taisho era. Therefore, this procession was unique because it ensured that people could explore the old and new streets that were transformed through urban remodeling during the colonial period. Moreover, passing through the licensed quarters called Shin-machi, which was relocated through urban remodeling by the administrative agency, allowed people to visualize the urban structure of colonial Taiwan. Tainan city was renewed through remodeling during the colonial period, thus leading to the formation of a new commercial area. The spirit of the people in Tainan city can be gauged based on the fact that the festival was financially and religiously supported by the merchants who promoted it. The restoration of Mazu during the colonial period indicates the restoration of urban commerce in Tainan, which had fallen from its position as the primary port city in Taiwan since the end of the Qing period. Therefore, it can be considered to represent the restoration of the city.
The Dutch colonial government introduced social forestry at the end of the 19th century with a commitment to controlling forest resources in the Dutch East Indies. This program was a response to the rampant deforestation which had resulted in forest degradation and poverty of the population around the forest. This study examined the practice of social forestry in the late colonial period which had not been done much. From a historical perspective, social forestry practices in Indonesia before independence could be explained more comprehensively. This study uses a historical method which includes four stages: heuristic, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography (composing historical stories). Sources of information were explored through studies of archival documents and contemporary artefacts, especially official colonial government reports and contemporary newspapers/magazines. Data from various sources are then compared and tested for validity to obtain data validity. The next stage is to build facts based on data obtained and then interpreted using the social science theories. Finally, compiling a historical (historiographical) story about social forestry during the late colonial period. The results showed that colonial forestry during the colonial period was still limited in terms of area and method, namely in the area of teak forest and involving villagers through the intercropping system. Farmers involved in these activities are called pesanggem who earn income from forest land being rejuvenated. However, the relationship between pesanggem and the forestry service has not been well institutionalized, consequently the pesanggem is often disadvantaged. Including certainty of ownership and ownership of forest land never gained clarity and even became a source of conflict.
This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.
This study analyzes and compares the contents of the prohibited history textbooks to the officiated curriculum textbooks during the Japanese Intervention period. By doing so the study will discuss the curriculum regulation through the new educational sociology aspects. The results are as follows. First, the Residency-General placed Japanese advisors in educational faculties to prepare a foundation for colonial education. It was intended to influence the educational system and its contents by displaying their superiority represented by their group of elites. Second, In 1908, the authorities issued the textbook regulation, which controlled the contents of the education before the book was published. The standard for the regulation was to exclude contents that are disadvantageous to Japan, and is favorable to colonial rules. Third, The prohibited textbooks contained contents that violate the standards. This shows that during the Residency -General period the textbook examination system was a tool to control school curriculum. Fourth, after comparing the contents of both prohibited textbooks and regulated textbooks, the prohibited history textbooks included the national independence, the victory over the Japanese, patriotism, and unfavorable relations with Japan. On the other hand, the regulated textbooks omitted patriotism and ethnicity-independent content, and instead filled its content with a friendly relationship Korea had with Japan at the time. This phenomenon proves that knowledge and the way of thinking are favorable towards superior groups of society and have an influence in determining the content of school education. This is the new education sociology theology.
In this study, the life of Lee Kyo Seung(1868~1951), the author of SinJeongSanSul(1~3), is traced in outline. He worked as a teacher at a government elementary school from 1895 to 1906. He contributed to elementary education as one of the first government elementary school teachers in the period of the Great Han Empire. During this period, he wrote SinJeongSanSul(1~3). He contributed to secondary mathematics education as a professor at Sungyunkwan for three years from November 1908, and as a mathematics teacher at the YMCA Academy from 1906 to 1916 in the period of the Great Han Empire and early Japanese colonial period. During this period, he wrote two different secondary school mathematics textbooks. During the Great Han Empire and early Japanese colonial period, he was a pioneering textbook author and mathematics teacher. So he can be evaluated as one of the important persons in the history of mathematics education in Korea.
This paper initiates an effort to look at "South Korean" medicine as perhaps distinct from "Korean" medicine, focusing specifically on the possibility of offering a post-colonial history of medicine. As such, the paper looks at the formation of the NMC (National Medical Center) in Seoul in 1958 (1958-1963, 1963-1968, 1968-1971) by a consortium of European actors--Denmark, Sweden, and Norway--invested in developing new forms of international assistance after the Korean War. Rather than take a firm stance, the paper ultimately suggests that the role of these actors in formative South Korean institutions was constitutive, and perhaps requires much more examination in the future.
This article is about the study on construction contractors in Daegu during the Japanese Colonial Rule. The first construction contractors who involved with Kyong-bu railroad work in 1904 personally. But, after they go through the bidding method, changed by the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1922, and the second bid rigging in 1932, contractors was changed gradually the organization into unlimited partnership, limited partnership or stock corporation. The number of them was increased. Most contractors were Japanese, and organized a limited partnership which has been capitalized at 30,000 won. On the other hand, Korean contractors couldn't work at an important part, except for the personal activities of Youngsil Lee(李永實). They were usually employed as consultants or field deputies by Japanese contractors. After the Liberation, Japanese construction contractors returned to Japan, however Tatuoka-kumi(龍岡組), Yasiro-kumi(屋代組) and Sakano-kumi(坂野組) that was leading the business which were took over by Koreans. They were leading architecture field in Daegu.
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