The purpose of this study is to understand the urbanization process and identify the Origin-Destination(O-D) of migration in the period of the Japanese occupation, based on the census data about Bu and Jijung-myeon. For this, the study analysed the types and the location of the immigrants' origin(birthplace) whose headed for an urban area. In 1930, as the destinations in the inter-regional migration, the urban areas could be divided into three categories according to the distance: long-, medium- and short-distance. The new urban areas which developed for effective colonial rule by Japanese pulled the long distance immigrant across the Korean Peninsula, and the Chosun Dynasty's traditional cities had the inflow of population from the near and hinterland. All in all, it is proposed that the dual settlement systems of colonial and traditional structures, is the key to understand the Korean urbanization processes basedd on the inter-regional migration during Japanese colonial period.
The region of Southeast Asia had already experienced rapid urbanization and cultural change before the East Asia region did. None the less, nowadays shophouses and rowhouses still form the major portion of streets in Chinese town in Southeast Asia countries. The purpose of this study is to examine the adaptation process of shophouse and rowhouse in the Southeast Asia region and the architectural characteristics between the middle of 18th and the early of 20th, which Chinese people of the region inherit and develop, for more thorough understanding of cultural adaptability and regionalism of Chinese architecture in Southeast Asia. The common fact found in the Southeast Asia region is that Chinese people in countries of this region gradually started to live densely as a group in a certain zone in city area since they got to play important roles in commerce, trade and service works related with cities, due to European countries' advance into Southeast Asia and their construction of colonial cities in the region. Chinese people in the region utilized residential rowhouse and special shophouse, which is a kind of shop adapted from rowhouses' sitting room or storage, for their commercial and industrial activities in urban areas, which had problems of limited space. They also realized high densities through vertical expansion of space in order to adjust to changing urban structure under execution of urban planning in cities of colonial area and rapid urbanization. Even though residence of Chinese in Southeast Asia was influenced by new political, social, economic and cultural rules of European colonies in Southeast Asia, it has continuously succeeded to the cultural tradition of China, their home country, in terms of planning principle which puts air well in the middle and hierarchial spacial construction method. Appearance of the open connected verandah, designed by Stamford Raffles, the founder of Singapore, can be regarded as one of the architectural characters. Hence, Chinese residence in cities of Southeast Asia can be understood as a new regional architectural culture in the context of European countries' urban planning and urbanization of colonial areas, Immigrants from southern China and their role, their adjustment to urban areas by utilizing mixed type houses of residence and business, cultural tradition of Chinese home country.
Ganggyeong, a city which is located at riverside of Geum River, played a role to connect the inland cities and the coastal cities through the Geum river waterway. In Chosun dynasty, Ganggyeong was one of the three major markets in Korea, and at the same time, it was one of the two river docks in Korea. However, after the railway was installed in Korea, railroad was more important than waterway in transporting logistics and in 1911 Honam railroad and Ganggyeong railway station was installed. Thus it was necessary to reorganize urban structure of Ganggyeong city from the traditional river-dock city to modern railroad city. In addition, urban infrastructure to prevent flood damage was needed because Ganggyeong suffered from floods and water shortages every year. Therefore, between 1910s and 1930s large-scale social infrastructures including road, water and sewage system, river bank, floodgate was constructed not only to revitalize the declining city but also to prevent flood damage and water shortages that hinder urban development. The installation of urban infrastructure has enabled the urban expansion and development of Ganggyeong city, and it is still served as a basic urban structure.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
/
v.43
no.4
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pp.124-139
/
2015
Unlike other mountains in Korea, Seoul Namsan(南山), which is one of the landmarks that represent the country's capital city, is perceived as a city park. This article aims to study the process that Namsan became a park and the transformation of its place in Korean Emperor and Japanese colonial period. The serial changes in Namsan, in early modern era, mean that is associated with the colonial urbanization and the rule of space by Japan. The stages of Waeseongdae Park(倭城臺公園), Gyeongseong Park(京城公園) and Hanyang Park(漢陽公園) under the leadership of Japan, due to the extension of Japan's power, Namsan has became the park. Here, the park has become a strategic tool of other's occupying Hanseongbu(漢城府), a capital city. The process that Namsan became a park dose not mean making the space for recreation and rest, but is an excuse for using the land. Since then, Namsan's parks barely fulfilled its original function as park as it was transformed into a shrine, Gyeongseong Jinjya(京城神社), for Japanese warriors or was incurred upon by Joseon Singung(朝鮮神宮), which was established as a facility to govern Korea, sometimes is gradually and sometimes is mercilessly. The fact, transplantation of Japanese culture and replacement as ruler space, is another aspect of occupying and govern place. In other words, while the process that Namsan became a park is the way of establishing Japanese force, the transformation of its place show a colonial rule as an aspect of space. Meanwhile, in spite of transformation to shrine, Namsan became accepted as a park for a long time, because of the forest of Namsan. Japan managed forest as a sacred place. It is also a result of the Japanese rule of space.
This paper discusses the change of land ownership in the urban historical core of Kyungju city in the Period of Japanese occupancy(1910-45) based on the analysis of land register records. Kyungju city was not designated for the cities controlled by urban planning law which was set up in 1912 and 1934. The major purpose of this paper is to clarify the urbanization process of a Korean local city where the formal urban planning projects were not carried out. The focus of the study is the increase of the Japanese landowners and Japanization of the landscape. In the very beginning of occupation, Japanese already owned about 8% of the total land of the city centre where the old Kyungju castle had been located. The ratio of the land owned by Japanese went up to more or less 70% at the end of World war II. The process which the urban core had been replaced for the Japanese is very clearly traced from the analysis of a land register records.
The urban modernity that became an irresistible model for elites in Asia in the decades before and after 1900 was far from being gender-neutral. It represented an exceptional peak of patriarchy in its exclusion of respectable middle class women from the work force, from ownership and control of property and from politics. Marriage was indissoluble and the wife's role in the male-headed nuclear family was to care for and educate the abundant children she produced. Puritan religious values underlined the perils for women of falling outside this pattern of dependence on the male. Though upheld as modern and civilized, this ideal was in particularly striking contrast with the pre-colonial Southeast Asian pattern of economic autonomy and balance between women and men, and the relative ease of female-initiated divorce. Although attractive to many western-educated Southeast Asian men, including religious reformers determined to 'save' and domesticate women, urban respectability of this type was a poor fit for women accustomed to dominant roles in commerce and marketing, and at least equal ones in production. Southeast Asian relative failure in the high colonial era to adapt to the modern market economy may also have a gendered explanation. We should not be surprised that patriarchy and puritanism became more important in Southeast Asia as it urbanized in the late 20th Century, since this was echoing the European experience a century earlier. The question remains how far Southeast Asia could retain its relatively balanced gender pattern in face of its eventual rapid urbanization and commercial development.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.46
no.1
/
pp.127-142
/
2018
Ttukseom was once a suburban area that had a government horse ranch for national use and a naenogpo (area of royal farm land). During the Japanese colonial period, a pleasure ground was built at Ttukseom, and after independence, it has been used as a park through the process of urbanization. This study examines the creation of the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground and the process through which the pleasure ground were transformed to a park. This study also explores its landscape and cultural aspects. In the 1930s, Gyeongseonggwedo (京城軌道), a private railway company, built a pleasure ground at Ttukseom to attract passengers, according to the business model of Japanese railway companies, in which recreational areas were developed near railway routes. Mass media portrayed this area as a "rural landscape" in contrast to the city. The Ttukseom Pleasure Ground emerged as a popular summer resort for Gyeongseong citizens. At the same time, it was managed by Gyeongseongbu (京城府). The city of Seoul began to manage the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground following independence, and development plans for Ttukseom as a pleasure ground or a park were continuously drafted but never implemented. Even after Korea's independence, the operation and use of the pleasure ground did not change significantly from the colonial era. In the late 1980s, the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground became the Ttukseom Han River Citizen's Park, and the sandy beach of the Han River was removed. Nonetheless, the previous facilities and major activities such as an open-air swimming pool, camp ground, and areas for boat recreation remained as major park programs. When the urbanization of Ttukseom was completed, its idyllic image disappeared and it became a park instead of a pleasure ground. Since parks expand their programs, it can be concluded that by providing those kinds of programs, the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground transformed to a park.
This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.21
no.2
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pp.17-33
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1993
This paper is the on-site case study of the shaping of townscape of port towns in Korea. Inchon has been experienced the rapid urbanization after the opening of a port. Inchon is selected because of the relatively rapid process, the apparent event and influence, and the enough referneces of data about the landscape formation and transformation. As the value of historical landscape, it is very significant to study Inchon and the causes of change in townscape depend on the external element-the opening of a port, Japan colonial policy, economic progress, nationwide development. The main purpose of this study is scrutinized the process, the cause and effect, and the contents and the form of shaping of townscape. The result of the interpretation of landscape is never perfect but only a starting point. Finally this study will be applied to the pragmatic task as a basic tool which construct the desirable image of the city.
Modernization of cities and housing in Malaysia is a reflection of the history of the establishment of colonial trading ports for worldwide maritime trade and exchange. In cosmopolitan cities, new housing typology appeared from the influence of various ethnic immigrants and with the fusion of traditional Malay housing characteristics. This study is to focus on classifying the housing typologies of Malaysia which were formed through the modernization process of cities. The typologies of modern housing in Malaysia can be classified into two categories. The first category is the 'transformation of traditional housing'. The representative typology of this group is the ubiquitous shophouse. The shophouse was originally brought in by the Chinese immigrants from the south coast of China and transformed into the Malaysian urbanscape. The other typology is a detached-house known as the bungalo, which was the housing style combining the Malay traditional timber house and European palazzo. The second category is the 'modern urban housing typology'. Modern urbanization after the independence from the British in 1957 required the maximum utilization of land. To accommodate new social and economic needs, the new typologies were developed in the form of medium-density terrace houses (row houses) and high-density apartment. In the suburban areas, the British terrace house was adopted and developed into unique Malaysian terrace house and semi-detached house based on the British system of land sub division. In premium area of the city, luxurious housing type in the form of high-end condominium is one of the popular housing for upper middle-class and high-class society.
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