• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제7권3호
• /
• pp.1-26
• /
• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제5권1호
• /
• pp.1-8
• /
• 2006

Since its defeat in the Second World War, Japan has been fostering good ties with Western countries, especially the United States. However, some East Asian leaders emboldened by their countries' economic success have proclaimed that the future belongs to Asia and have put forward the "Asian values" argument. It is interesting to note that some elements of the "Asian values" argument resemble ultranationalist discourse that was dominant in Japan before the war. The Japanese Government had a great opportunity to reappraise its role in international politics and take stock of its economic and diplomatic relations with East Asian countries after the end of the Cold War. To meet future challenges, Japan should fully overcome anti-Western sentiment and participate in establishing a truly democratic East Asian regionalism based on the "universal values" of human rights, democracy and freedom. This may prove to be one of the biggest challenges for Japan's East Asia policy in the new century.

• Ocean and Polar Research
• /
• 제35권4호
• /
• pp.373-381
• /
• 2013

The Pacific Island Forum that consists of 14 island countries in the South Pacific has long been the focus of keen attention from East Asian countries such as South Korea, Japan and China. The South Pacific area was controlled by Japan right after the First World War. The League of Nations bestowed the right of trusteeship over the region to Japan, one of the victors in the war. However, the U.S. considered the area indispensible for its security interests in the Pacific after victory in the Second World War. With the end of Cold War period, the region again began to gain the competitive attention of Japan, China and Korea. Japan has made efforts to give economic assistance to this region by holding the Japan-Pacific Islands summit every three years. In addition, Japan is promoting a security engagement with this region by dispatching Self Defense Forces with the aim of initiating construction and development projects. In response to Japan's active involvement in the region, China also began to convene a summit meeting with these countries in 2006, making pledges of economic assistance. Furthermore, Chinese civilian companies struck deals of investment with municipal institutions in the region with a view to enhancing China's influence in the region. Japan's and China's active engagement in the region has galvanized South Korea to craft a more effective strategic approach to the region.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
• /
• 제10권4호
• /
• pp.5-25
• /
• 2009

Since the end of the 1950-1953 Korean War, many scholars and policymakers have expressed concern about the possibility of another conflict on the peninsula. In certain respects, the post-1953 North-South Korea relationship resembles the Cold War that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union, 1945-1990. Although a "hot" never occurred, peace was never guaranteed. By looking at international theories (i.e., realism and liberal theory) and by utilizing casual-loop diagram analysis, the main purpose of this research is to explore on the likelihood of peace and war on the Korean peninsula. First, several factors (e.g., economic stagnation of North Korea, unstable political systems, and so on) emphasized by realism perspectives are significantly related to the likelihood of conflict between North and South Korea. Conversely, several determinants (e.g., economic assistance to North Korea, inter-dialogue between two Koreas, cultural and social exchange, and so on) emphasized by liberal approaches are significantly related to likelihood of peace on the Korean peninsula. Given the two different interpretations about the likelihood of conflict or peace, it can be argued that a second military action might occur on the Korean peninsula if realism theories are true. However, if practical factors exist on the Korean peninsula, the two Korean can optimistically expect a peaceful reunification in the future, without interference from other countries.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제58권2호
• /
• pp.327-345
• /
• 2012

This paper explores how gender, sexuality, momism and national security are intertwined in the POW fictions of the Korean War, revealing the blurred demarcation line of the private and the public during the Cold War era. Works such as Night and Valley of Fire reveal the weakened manhood of the soldiers who were brainwashed or easily succumbed to the enemy during their imprisonment. The novels commonly attribute their weakness to materialism and spiritual corruption prevalent in the society, in addition to mass media including TV. Moreover, a social critic like Phillip Wily provokes the polemical idea of "Momism" which was ardently circulated among some male circles. In Manchurian Candidate, momism is integrated into incest and homosexuality, epitomized by Raymond and his mother. The novel illustrates how momism can be dangerous to national security and devastate the growth of manhood. Mrs. Iselin, a masculinized middle-aged woman, becomes a 'monster' whose overweening desire for power overrides any maternal concern for her son. Such 'monstrosity' exposes the danger of a woman who can castrate a man and manipulate a society. To a certain extent, the same tendency can be found in Turncoat and Night. Both novels reveal how the love of mother brings detrimental impact on boys who become prey to the communist's brainwashing in the POW camps. In short, the POW novels betray society's patriarchal concerns with women's emerging power threatening its ideology.

• 해양안보
• /
• 제1권1호
• /
• pp.1-30
• /
• 2020

이 연구는 "일본의 보통국가화는 군국주의로의 회귀인가?"라는 의문에서 출발하였다. 그래서 이를 분석하기 위해 제1·2차 세계대전 전간기의 일본제국과 현대 일본의 아베 2기 내각 출범 이후의 국제체제적 특성을 비교하였다. 이를 통해 두 시기의 국제체제적 특성이 어떠한 차이점이 있으며, 그로 인해 두 가지 사례가 보이는 차이점을 도출해내고자 하였다. 제1·2차 세계대전 전간기 당시 군국주의적 일본제국은 파리강화회의, 워싱턴 해군조약, 런던 해군조약 등을 거치면서 아시아 유일의 열강이라는 국가 자부심에 큰 상처를 입었다. 하지만 아시아 내 식민지를 가진 서구 열강들이 여전히 역내에 존재하였기 때문에 즉각적인 세력팽창으로 전환할 수는 없었다. 그러던 와중에 유럽에서 제2차 세계대전이 발발했다. 이로 인해 서구 열강들은 유럽의 전역에 집중할 수밖에 없었고, 군국주의적 일본제국은 '패권 공백'이란 국제체제적 특성을 놓치지 않고 스스로 지역 패권국이 되었다. 2012년 이후 보통국가화를 추진하는 일본의 사례는 과거 군국주의와는 달리 '패권경쟁'적 신냉전의 구도 속에 놓인 동북아시아 질서 속에서 이루어지고 있다. 특히, 일본은 주변 국가 대비 양적 군사력의 부족으로 인해 자구적인 차원에서 미일동맹 강화를 위한 보통국가로의 전환을 시도하고 있다.

• 안보군사학연구
• /
• 통권1호
• /
• pp.71-111
• /
• 2003

The key lessons of the very complex modern war can be dangerously misleading to the outsiders. The efforts trying to draw lessons learned from the Iraq War (OIF : Operation Iraqi Freedom) may be biased by the view of point by Americans, because most of war episodes have been come from the Western media coverage. More serious bias can be committed thanks to the differences of warfighting doctrines and military technology between US forces and ROK forces. However, OIF-fought allied commanders and outside military experts said this campaign exemplified 21st-century warfare: swift, agile and decisive, employing overpowering technology to bring relentless violence to bear in many places at once. Even though the campaign evolved differently than anticipated, allied forces regrouped and regained the initiative remarkably quickly, thanks in large part to a new command flexibility, tied to new technology that made possible the more rapid sharing of data. These factors permitted "new air-land dynamic". The things that compel that are good sensors networked with good intelligence disseminated through a robust networking system, which then yields speed. Speed turns out to be a very important factor for conducting "Rapid Decisive Operations" relied on joint "Mass of Effects". ROK forces facing the heaviest ground threat in the world may learn more from Cold War era-typed US Army 3rd Infantry Division (3ID), which operating considerably beyond existing doctrine. 3ID flew its personnel into Kuwait to meet up with equipment already located in the region as pre-positioned stock. During OIF, the division conducted continuous offensive operations over 230km deep battlespace for 21 days. The lessons learned for ROK army to prepare tomorrow's war may be found from 3ID in its training, command and control, task organization, firepower and battlespace management, and logistics.

• 비교문화연구
• /
• 제24권
• /
• pp.46-61
• /
• 2011

This paper considers how Koreans found their positions in the complex, overlapping, disjunctive, and interconnected "Oriental" repertoires in the early Cold War years. When we use the term, Oriental, it should require careful translation from context to context because it may be subject to very different sets of contextual circumstances. Klein views Cold War Orientalism in the complex of various regions including East Asian and Southeast Asian countries; however, when Koreans are contextualized at the center of the discussion the Orientalism produces another discursive meaning. Even though many great researches have been done on Korean immigrations, Korean American literatures, and US-Korea economic, political, and foreign relations, not many discussions about Korean American popular cultures have been discussed in the basis of the Oriental discourse in the United States.For this argument, this paper investigates the performative trajectory of a girl group "Kim Sisters" who began to sing at the US military show stages in South Korea in 1952 during the Korean War. They moved to Las Vegas show stages in 1959 and later appeared in Ed Sullivan Show more than thirty times during the 1960s and 70s. Meanwhile, they not only returned to South Korea often times to perform at the stages for Korean audiences in South Korea but also played at the shows for Korean immigrants in the United States. Korean American immigration to the United States has followed a different route from the majority of Asian American population such as Chinese or Japanese Americans, which means that efforts to compare this particular group to the others may be unnecessary. Rather doing comparative studies, this paper, therefore, focuses on the formation of the intersecting and multiple identities of Korean female entertainers who were forced or forced themselves to be incorporated into the American popular "Oriental" imagination, which I would call "embedded" identities. This embeddedness has been continuously maintained in the configuration of Korean characters in the United States. This will help not only to observe the discursive aspect of Asian American identity politics but also to claim a space for comparatively invisible Korean characters in the United States which has been often times neglected and not brought into a major Asian American or Oriental historical discourse. This paper starts with American scenes at the beginning of the twentieth century to trace Americans Oriental imagination which was observable in the various American cultural landscape and popular music soundscape. It will help us more clearly understand the production and consumption of the Korean "Oriental" performances during the early Cold War period and especially the Korean performance in the American venue, silently overshadowed into the political, social, and cultural framework.

• 한국항공우주학회지
• /
• 제44권8호
• /
• pp.686-694
• /
• 2016

과거 냉전시절의 우주개발은 성능이라는 목표에 초점이 맞추어져 있었다. 하지만 냉전 이후 경제성이 우주개발에 있어서 중요한 목표가 되었으며, 이러한 경제성을 확보하기 위한 중요한 수단으로 재사용 발사체에 대한 관심과 연구가 지속적으로 증가하고 있는 실정이다. 본 논문에서는 이와 같이 진행되고 있는 현재 세계 각국의 재사용 발사체 및 미래추진기관에 대한 기술발전 전망과 방향에 대하여 소개하고자 한다.

• 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 한국정보통신학회 2017년도 춘계학술대회
• /
• pp.371-372
• /
• 2017

미국은 냉전시대부터 미사일방어체계를 구축해왔으나, 냉전시대 종식 이후 국제 정세와 위협 세력에 많은 변화가 있었다. 미국과 소련으로 양분되어있던 힘의 세력이 중국의 대외적 영향력 확장 의지, 강한 러시아의 표방, 북한과 이란의 핵 무장 및 탄도미사일 기술 고도화 등으로 인해 대응해야 할 위협이 다양해졌다. 이러한 위협 변화에 대해 미사일방어청(Missile Defense Agency : MDA)은 전략 및 정책을 수립하였으나, 이의 근간인 상위법은 개정되지 않다가 2017년 국방수권법(FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act : FY2017 NDAA)에 변화된 미국의 미사일방어 전략이 명문화되었다. 본 논문에서는 FY2017 NDAA에 반영된 미국의 탄도미사일방어 전략을 확인하고, 기존의 전략에서 어떤 부분이 변화하였는지 비교하였다.