• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.83-121
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• 2004

This study was carried out to examine how solid the production foundation of rice in Chung-Nam Province is, and, if not, to probe alternative measures through the size of farms specializing in rice, of which direction would be a pivot of rice industry-oriented policy. The results obtained can be summarized as follows : 1. The amount of rice production in Chung-Nam Province is highest in Korea and the size of paddy field area is the second largest : This implying that the probability that rice production in Chung-Nam Province would be severely influenced by a global trend of market conditions. The number of farms specializing in rice becoming the core group of rice farming account for 7.7 percent of the total number of farm household in Korea. Average field area financial support which had been input to farm household by Government had a noticeable effect on the improvement of the policy of farm-size program. 2. Farm-size program in Chung-Nam Province established from 1980 to 2002 in creased the cultivation size of paddy field to 19,484 hectares, and this program enhanced the buying and selling of farmland and the number of farmland bargain reached 6,431 household and 16,517 hectares, respectively, in 1995-2002. Meanwhile, long-term letting and hiring of farmland appeared so active that the bargain acreage reached 6,970 hectares, and farm involved was 7,059 households, however, the farm-exchange-and-unity program did not satisfy our expectation, because the retirement farm operators reluctantly participated to sell their farms. Another reason that had delayed the bargain of farms rested on the general category of social complication attendant upon the exchange and unity operation for scattered farm. Such difficulties would work negative effects out to carry on the target of farm-size work in general. 3. The following measures were presented to propel the farm-size promotion program : a. Occupation shift project, followed by the social security program for retirement and elderly farm operators, should be promptly established and also a number of types of incentives for promoting the letting and hiring work and farm-exchange-and-unity program would also be set up. b. To establish the effective key system of rice production, all the farm operators should increase the unit area yield of rice and lower the production cost. To do so, a great deal of production teams of rice equipped with managerial techniques and capabilities need to be organized. And, also, there should be appropriate arrays of facilities including information system. This plan is desirable to be in line with a diversity of the structural implement of regional integration based on farm system building. c. To extend the size of farm and to improve farm management, we have to devise the enlargement of individual size of farm for maximized management and the utilization of farm-size grouping method. In conclusion, it can be said that the farm-size project in Chung-Nam Province which has continued since the 1980s was satisfactorily achieved. However, we still have a lot of problems to be solved to break down the barrier for attainment of the desirable farm-size operation work.. Farm-size project has fairly close relation with farm specialization in rice and, thus, the positive support for farm household including the integrated program for both retirement farmers and off-farm operators should be considered to pursue the progressive development of the farm-size program, which is key means to successful achievement of rice farming enforcement in Chung-Nam Province.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.3-49
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• 1990

This paper analyzes U.S. demand for imports from Asian NIEs and Japan, utilizing the Almost Ideal Demand System (AIDS) developed by Deaton and Muellbauer, with an emphasis on the effect of changes in the exchange rate. The empirical model assumes a two-stage budgeting process in which the first stage represents the allocation of total U.S. demand among three groups: the Asian NIEs and Japan, six Western developed countries, and the U.S. domestic non-tradables and import competing sector. The second stage represents the allocation of total U.S. imports from the Asian NIEs and Japan among them, by country. According to the AIDS model, the share equation for the Asia NIEs and Japan in U.S. nominal GNP is estimated as a single equation for the first stage. The share equations for those five countries in total U.S. imports are estimated as a system with the general demand restrictions of homogeneity, symmetry and adding-up, together with polynomially distributed lag restrictions. The negativity condition is also satisfied for all cases. The overall results of these complicated estimations, using quarterly data from the first quarter of 1972 to the fourth quarter of 1989, are quite promising in terms of the significance of individual estimators and other statistics. The conclusions drawn from the estimation results and the derived demand elasticities can be summarized as follows: First, the exports of each Asian NIE to the U.S. are competitive with (substitutes for) Japan's exports, while complementary to the exports of fellow NIEs, with the exception of the competitive relation between Hong Kong and Singapore. Second, the exports of each Asian NIE and of Japan to the U.S. are competitive with those of Western developed countries' to the U.S, while they are complementary to the U.S.' non-tradables and import-competing sector. Third, as far as both the first and second stages of budgeting are coneidered, the imports from each Asian NIE and Japan are luxuries in total U.S. consumption. However, when only the second budgeting stage is considered, the imports from Japan and Singapore are luxuries in U.S. imports from the NIEs and Japan, while those of Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong are necessities. Fourth, the above results may be evidenced more concretely in their implied exchange rate effects. It appears that, in general, a change in the yen-dollar exchange rate will have at least as great an impact, on an NIE's share and volume of exports to the U.S. though in the opposite direction, as a change in the exchange rate of the NIE's own currency $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ the dollar. Asian NIEs, therefore, should counteract yen-dollar movements in order to stabilize their exports to the U.S.. More specifically, Korea should depreciate the value of the won relative to the dollar by approximately the same proportion as the depreciation rate of the yen $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ the dollar, in order to maintain the volume of Korean exports to the U.S.. In the worst case scenario, Korea should devalue the won by three times the maguitude of the yen's depreciation rate, in order to keep market share in the aforementioned five countries' total exports to the U.S.. Finally, this study provides additional information which may support empirical findings on the competitive relations among the Asian NIEs and Japan. The correlation matrices among the strutures of those five countries' exports to the U.S.. during the 1970s and 1980s were estimated, with the export structure constructed as the shares of each of the 29 industrial sectors' exports as defined by the 3 digit KSIC in total exports to the U.S. from each individual country. In general, the correlation between each of the four Asian NIEs and Japan, and that between Hong Kong and Singapore, are all far below .5, while the ones among the Asian NIEs themselves (except for the one between Hong Kong and Singapore) all greatly exceed .5. If there exists a tendency on the part of the U.S. to import goods in each specific sector from different countries in a relatively constant proportion, the export structures of those countries will probably exhibit a high correlation. To take this hypothesis to the extreme, if the U.S. maintained an absolutely fixed ratio between its imports from any two countries for each of the 29 sectors, the correlation between the export structures of these two countries would be perfect. Therefore, since any two goods purchased in a fixed proportion could be classified as close complements, a high correlation between export structures will imply a complementary relationship between them. Conversely, low correlation would imply a competitive relationship. According to this interpretation, the pattern formed by the correlation coefficients among the five countries' export structures to the U.S. are consistent with the empirical findings of the regression analysis.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.61-70
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• 2005

Purpose: Uterine cervix cancer is one of the most prevalent women cancer in Korea. We analysed published papers in Korea with comparing Patterns of Care Study (PCS) articles of United States and Japan for the purpose of developing and processing Korean PCS. Materials and Methods: We searched PCS related foreign-produced papers in the PCS homepage (212 articles and abstracts) and from the Pub Med to find Structure and Process of the PCS. To compare their study with Korean papers, we used the internet site 'Korean Pub Med' to search 99 articles regarding uterine cervix cancer and radiation therapy. We analysed Korean paper by comparing them with selected PCS papers regarding Structure, Process and Outcome and compared their items between the period of before 1980's and 1990's. Results: Evaluable papers were 28 from United States, 10 from the Japan and 73 from the Korea which treated cervix PCS items. PCS papers for United States and Japan commonly stratified into $3\~4$ categories on the bases of the scales characteristics of the facilities, numbers of the patients, doctors, Researchers restricted eligible patients strictly. For the process of the study, they analysed factors regarding pretreatment staging in chronological order, treatment related factors, factors in addition to FIGO staging and treatment machine. Papers in United States dealt with racial characteristics, socioeconomic characteristics of the patients, tumor size (6), and bilaterality of parametrial or pelvic side wail invasion (5), whereas papers from Japan treated of the tumor markers. The common trend in the process of staging work-up was decreased use of lymphangiogram, barium enema and increased use of CT and MRI over the times. The recent subject from the Korean papers dealt with concurrent chemoradiotherapy (9 papers), treatment duration (4), tumor markers (B) and unconventional fractionation. Conclusion: By comparing papers among 3 nations, we collected items for Korean uterine cervix cancer PCS. By consensus meeting and close communication, survey items for cervix cancer PCS were developed to measure structure, process and outcome of the radiation treatment of the cervix cancer. Subsequent future research will focus on the use of brachytherapy and its impact on outcome including complications. These finding and future PCS studies will direct the development of educational programs aimed at correcting identified deficits in care.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.21-29
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• 1996

Levels of total, neutral and polar lipids from the seeds of eight species of the Cucurbitaceae f Cucurbita moschata, Lufa cylindrica, Citrullus vulgari, Cucumis melo var. makuwa, Cucumis satvus, Lag leucantha. Trichosanthes kirilowii and Momordica charantia, were determinded, and their fatty compositions were also analyzed by gas-liquid chromatography. The results were summarized as foll. Lipid contents of the seeds range from 21.9 to 50.7%, which contained 98% up of neutral lipi the fatty acid compositon of ottal lipids from the seeds of Cucurbita moschata, Lufa cylindrica, Ci vulgari, Cucumis melo var. makuwa, Cucumis sativus and Lagenaria leucantha, linoleic acid is the mos dominant component(56.8${\sim}$84.0%) followed by oleic acid(5.7${\sim}$22.2%) and palmitic acid(6.1${\sim}$1) with a trace amount of ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid(below 0.6%). On the contrary, the seed oils of Tricho kirilowii and Momordica charantia are characterized by presence of considerable amounts of con trienoic acid such as punicic acid($_{9c.11t.13c-}C_{18:3}$) and ${\alpha}-eleostearic$ acid($_{9c.11t.13c-}C_{18:3}$). For example total lipids of T. kirilowii seeds were mainly composed of linoleic acid(40.5%) and punicic acid(3) in the fatty acid composition, while those of M. charantia seeds predominantly comprised ${\alpha}-eleos$ acid as a main component(66.9%), accompanied by oleic acid(11.7%) and linoleic acid(10.4%). oil ${\beta}-eleostearic$ acid($_{9t.11t.13c-}C_{18:3}$) was checked as a trace. Fatty acid profiles of neutral lipids close resemblance to those of total lipids in all the seed oils, but are different from those of polar In particular, conjugate trienoic acids including punicic acid and ${\alpha}-eleostearic$ acid which are oc as the most abundant component in both neutral lipids of T. kirilowii and M. charantia seed oils, ar ent in a extremely small amount in both polar lipids. The fatty acid distribution in the polar lipid the samples except for T. kirilowii and M. charantia seed oils, showed a tendency of consid increased level of saturated fatty acids(25.0${\sim}$29.4%) compared with that in the neutral lipids(9.9%). The results obtained in this experiment suggest us that the seed oils of the Cucurbitaceae

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.170-203
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• 2018

From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.172-187
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• 2019

Knowledge of intangible cultural heritage is usually disseminated through word-of-mouth and actions rather than written records. Thus, people assemble to teach others about it and form communities. Accordingly, to understand and spread information about intangible cultural heritage properly, it is necessary to understand not only their attributes but also a community's relational characteristics. Community members include specialized transmitters who work under the auspices of institutions, and general transmitters who enjoy intangible cultural heritage in their daily lives. They converse about intangible cultural heritage in close relationships. However, to date, research has focused only on professionals. Thus, this study focused on the roles of general transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information by investigating intangible cultural heritage communities centering around Jeongseon Arirang; a social network analysis was performed. Regarding the research objectives presented in the introduction, the main findings of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 197 links between 74 members of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. One individual had connections with 2.7 persons on average, and all were connected through two steps in the community. However, the density and the clustering coefficient were low, 0.036 and 0.32, respectively; therefore, the cohesiveness of this community was low, and the relationships between the members were not strong. Second, 'Young-ran Yu', 'Nam-gi Kim' and 'Gil-ja Kim' were found to be the prominent figures of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, and the central structure of the network was concentrated around these three individuals. Being located in the central structure of the network indicates that a person is popular and ranked high. Also, it means that a person has an advantage in terms of the speed and quantity of the acquisition of information and resources, and is in a relatively superior position in terms of bargaining power. Third, to understand the replaceability of the roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim, who were found to be the major figures through an analysis of the central structure, structural equivalence was profiled. The results of the analysis showed that the positions and roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim were unrivaled and irreplaceable in the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. However, considering that these three members were in their 60s and 70s, it seemed that it would be necessary to prepare measures for the smooth maintenance and operation of the community. Fourth, to examine the subgroup hidden in the network of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, an analysis of communities was conducted. A community refers to a subgroup clearly differentiated based on modularity. The results of the analysis identified the existence of four communities. Furthermore, the results of an analysis of the central structure showed that the communities were formed and centered around Young-ran Yu, Hyung-jo Kim, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim. Most of the transmission TAs recommended by those members, students who completed a course, transmission scholarship holders, and the general members taught in the transmission classes of the Jeongseon Arirang Preservation Society were included as members of the communities. Through these findings, it was discovered that it is possible to maintain the transmission genealogy, making an exchange with the general members by employing the present method for the transmission of Jeongseon Arirang, the joint transmission method. It is worth paying attention to the joint transmission method as it overcomes the demerits of the existing closed one-on-one apprentice method and provides members with an opportunity to learn their masters' various singing styles. This study is significant for the following reasons: First, by collecting and examining data using a social network analysis method, this study analyzed phenomena that had been difficult to investigate using existing statistical analyses. Second, by adopting a different approach to the previous method in which the genealogy was understood, looking at oral data, this study analyzed the structures of the transmitters' relationships with objective and quantitative data. Third, this study visualized and presented the abstract structures of the relationships among the transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information on a 2D spring map. The results of this study can be utilized as a baseline for the development of community-centered policies for the protection of intangible cultural heritage specified in the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. To achieve this, it would be necessary to supplement this study through case studies and follow-up studies on more aspects in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.