• Title/Summary/Keyword: Chinese religion

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Indonesia in 2016: Jokowi's Struggles for a Secure Footing and Challenges from Identity Politics (인도네시아 2016: 조코위의 기반 다지기와 '정체성의 정치'의 도전)

  • SUH, Jiwon;JEON, Je Seong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.213-243
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    • 2017
  • In the first half of 2016, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo continued his efforts to secure support from major political parties, often benefiting from internal party conflicts. During the tense campaign for the 2017 Jakarta gubernational election, however, blasphemy charges against incumbent "Ahok", an ethnic Chinese and Christian, put Jokowi in trouble. Led by radical Islamic organizations such as Front Pembela Islam (FPI), half a million people filled Jakarta's streets, calling for Ahok's arrest. The resurgence of identity politics questioned the boundaries of the Indonesian nation and its core premises on the relationship between religion and the state. In the realm of foreign policies, the Jokowi administration maintained its tougher stance against illegal fishing in its waters. In spite of Indonesia's clashes with Chinese vessels in the Natuna sea, however, it is unlikely that the tension will escalate uncontrollably, as the Jokowi administration is seeking investment from rich neighbors for building infrastructure, which will be his key legacy for the 2019 presidential election.

Criticism of the 『History of Korean Medicine』 written by Kim Doo Jong (김두종(金斗鍾)의 상세의학사(上世醫學史) 비판(批判))

  • Park, Seong Kue;Kim, Nam Il
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.68-82
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    • 2007
  • Kim, Doo-jong wrote "History of Korean Medicine", which was based on the historical view of Japanese Imperialism, insisting that Korea had stagnated and should be stimulated by others because it had no ability to improve by itself. To meet his opinion, he distorted and fabricated Korean Medical History to justify his past and work as Lee, Byung-Do did on Korean History. This paper intended to reveal his distortion and fabrication on the ancient Korean Medical History. Firstly, he insisted that Korean medicine had stagnated till other neighbor medicine, that is, Chinese medicine, Indian medicine, Japanese medicine and European medicine stimulated its progress. Secondly, he insisted that the Korea peninsula has been the Korean territory all through its history, which was originally forged by the Japanese Imperialists. He adopted this theory to justify his past and work. Thirdly, he insisted that Korea was effected by the European medicine a long time ago. Even though the European medicine was not skillful at that time compared with Korean medicine, he adopted this theory to justify his past and work. Lastly, he had a wrong recognition on culture and religion, which he just used to justify his past and work. Profound study and research are required to eliminate his distortion and write the history of Korean medicine correctly.

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The Study on the 'Yeonji' Cosmetics and Make-ups I - Focusing on the origin of Make-up and the beginning of 'Yeonji' Cosmetics - (연지화장 연구 I - 화장의 기원(起源)과 연지의 시원(始原)을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Chun-Soon;Jung, Bock-Hee
    • Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.453-466
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the origin of make-up and the beginning of 'Yoenji' cosmetics. The result of this study is as follows: 1. The origin of make-up can be summarized as being originated from the sexual display to maintain tribes and incantatory religion for their existence. The reason for the preference to Yeonji in make-up is that Yeonji has a characteristic of red in color, which seems to hold effective for the sexual display of human beings. 2. The origin of Yeonji (焉支; Safflower) was from Egypt, but its inception as a cosmetic product was with Huns. 'Yeonji' was a term of Hungro race, and was also called Unji (焉支), Yeonji (燕支), Inji (姻支), Urji (閼氏), following the similarity of the sound. These terms were not only the interpretation of the Hunnish sound into Chinese, but also allegorical expression. Unji (焉支), Yeonji (燕支), and Inji (姻支) meant Safflower. Urji(閼氏) meant 'Empress' or 'Wife,' which was pronounced Yeonji (燕支) and Asi (閼氏).

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A Pilot Study on Lee Gyu-Jun(李圭晙)'s Life and Thoughts (이규준(李圭晙)의 생애(生涯)와 사상적(思想的) 경향(傾向))

  • Kwon, Oh-mi;Park, Sang-young;Ahn, Sang-young;Han, Chang-huyn;Ahn, Sang-woo
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.7-13
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    • 2009
  • This article conducted an pilot study on Lee Gyu-Jun(李圭晙)'s life and thoughts. He championed, and is mainly based on, old annotations of ancient Confucian bibles古文 that were made in the Han漢 and Tang唐 era in Chinese history and consequently took additionally into account Zuxi朱熹's annotations on Confucian bibles. This cause big trouble to him in conservative Gyeong Shang Province(嶺南). He participated in the Confucian Religion Movement孔敎運動 and proposed constitutional monarchy as a new polity fit for changing Korean history. He closely interacted with many resistants to the Japanese rule of Korea and had a mixed perspective on Western culture, science and technology, and social system, positive or negative, contingent on cases. He made great footprints in the history of both modern Korean medicine and philosophy. Thus there is an urgent need for the overall study on Lee Gyu-Jun in every aspect.

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A Study on the Confucian Influences on the Food Life during Chosun Period (朝鮮時代의 崇儒主義가 食生活에 미친 影響)

  • 강진숙;이강자
    • Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.27-36
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    • 1993
  • To point out the Confucian Influence in Chosun, we deal with religious ceremonies, the decline of drinking tea, the spread of dog meat and the development of nutrition for the aged. The result is follows. First, the chosun confucianism changed the Buddhist familty ceremonies of Koryeo period into the confucian cermonies formed by Chu-Tzu's influence. So, buddhist sacrificial table turned into confucian one which was more systematric and more formal on the basis of chosun culture of food. Second, Chosun confucian scholars shrank from drinking tea because tea was the symbol of Buddhism. As a result, our people came to drink " Sung-nyung(scorched-rce tea)" and the common people drank Maggeolli instead of syung-nyung. Furthermore, this resulted in developing some kind of beverages. third, the people of Chosun had little rejection to dog meat and it was popularized in Chosun, Dog maet was popular in Chinese countries, Chu. Chin. and early Han. Later, dong meat almost disappeared except the purpose if healing. the reason why people had little rejection to dong meat in Chosun was that Chosun Conflucianism was the revival of Chu. Fourth, Chosun's state religion was confucianism which emphasize filial duty, the basis of humanity. The gentry researched into medication and nursing I case their old parents got sick. As a result, nutrition for the aged was developed.

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The Study of Religious Medical Treatment in the Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe in Korea (韓國大巡真理會《典經》之宗教醫療研究)

  • Chung, Yun-ying
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.39
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    • pp.249-274
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    • 2021
  • The aim of this article is to investigate the religious medical treatments performed by Kang Jeungsan as recorded in The Canonical Scripture, the main scripture of the Korean new religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe. The unity of mind and body is the core principle underlying Kang Jeungsan's religious medical treatments. He believed treating the mind of his patients was more important and necessary than treating their diseases. As such, he believed the only way to treat critical illness was to keep preserve the mind-body unity of his patients. Massage was a physical therapy often used by Kang Jeungsan. The medicinal materials that he commonly used were the Four-substance Decoction (四物湯 samultang), Minor Bupleurum Decoction (小柴胡湯 soshihotang), quince (木瓜 mokgwa *Pseudocydonia sinensis; not papaya), and rehmannia (生地黃 saengjihwang). Kang Jeungsan's religious medical treatments were characteristic of Daoist healing methods. His Daoist style healing methods included multiple techniques such as treating diseases through correcting Qi, exorcising malevolent entities, transferring diseases to a different host, removing a disease through the changing of clothes, pouring medicine into the ground, combining the usage of talisman and incantations, and treating the common people. Among these techniques, Jeungsan's pouring medicine into the ground was especially innovative.

A Comparison of the Incarnations of Two Godheads: Gucheon Sangje (Kang Jeungsan) of Daesoon Jinrihoe and Chengsheng Dadi (Emperor Huizong) of Daoism During the Northern Song (道成肉身的神格对比 - 大巡真理会九天上帝姜甑山与北宋道教长生大帝宋徽宗 -)

  • Yu, Ding-ching
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.36
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    • pp.299-331
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    • 2020
  • In Daesoon Jinrihoe, the Supreme God descended into the mortal world by incarnating as Kang Jeungsan to save the world from imminent disaster. Daesoon Jinrihoe is regarded by some Chinese scholars as a new Korean Daoism, and Jo Jeong-san, the Lord of the Dao in Daesoon Jinrihoe, revealed the Supreme God's name to "Gucheon Eungwon Noeseong Bohwa Cheonjon Kangseong Sangje." Comparative studies are often conducted to highlight the similarities between this god and the nearly identically named god in Chinese Daoism. However, this Chinese god is only a god of natural phenomena and has no previous connections to descension into the world via human incarnation. My research has determined that the closest basis for comparison would be Emperor Huizong within the context of Northern Song Dynasty Daoism. In the Daoism of that time period, he was understood to be the Supreme God who incarnated as a human to save the world. Borrowing Eliade's Phenomenology of Religion, this paper has discovered that core archetypes of these two godheads are different due to their different soteriological missions. In order to solve the grievances among humans, divine beings, heaven, and the afterworld, Kang Jeungsan actualized the Earthly Paradise of Later World. Drawing on the archetypal notion of an Original Time, he reshaped the world into the beginning of chaos to completely eliminate the past, and to create a fundamentally and qualitatively new era. On the other hand, Emperor Huizong tried to absorb what he viewed as heretical Buddhism into something sacred that could be used to save people from its harm. He established a hierarchy radiating from the archetypal notion of the Center of the Universe, and he cosmosized Buddhism, which he viewed as barbaric, into that order. Their core godheads mainly show differences in terms of time and space. Additionally, their extended sub-godhead symbols are quite different. Emperor Huizong, like the common supreme gods of other religions, established law of order, and then retreated as the symbol of heaven, the abdicated god. His divine power was specialized as Lin Lingsu's symbol of natural phenomena. Kang Jeungsan was completely different. He always proved his power over the three realms through different symbols. The main symbols he used were the moon for healing and resurrection, water for establishing order from chaos, and light for enabling secular individuals to experience sacred profundity.

A Study on the 「Gyobeob」 of 『Jeon-gyeong』 : Focused on Comparison with Chapter 「Words of Law」 of 『Daesoon Jeon-gyeong』 6th Edition (『전경』 「교법」편 연구 - 『대순전경』 6판 「법언」장과의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Ko, Nam-sik
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.26
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    • pp.1-41
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    • 2016
  • The script of the Fellowship of Daesoon Truth, 『Jeongyeong』 consists of seven sectors and 17 chapters. The seven sectors include 「Life of Sangje」, 「Reordering of the Universe」, 「Passing on of Teaching」, 「Law of Teaching」, 「Wisdom」, 「Cure of the Sick」, and 「Foreseeing」. The chapter 「Reordering of the Universe」 has the most records about Sangje, while the 「Law of Teaching」 has the most variety of materials in many passages about Sangje. This shows that the chapter 「Reordering of the Universe」 puts emphasis on the unique religious activities of Sangje and 「Law of Teaching」 is important for its edifying elements. "Law of teaching" is 敎法(Gyobeop) in Chinese character. 敎 means "teaching" and 法 "laws". What is law? A law becomes the rules for maintaining order of a society. In the view of religion, the law is ethical rules set by Kang Jeungsan to keep an order in the world. The first and second chapters of 「Law of Teaching」 have writings on 1. What Sangje said in person to the disciples, 2. The teachings Sangje gave to the disciples in certain occasions, 3. Reality of the society in late Joseon Dynasty, 4. Teachings related to the historical figures and old stories, and 5. Literatures. The third chapter has two special types of writing, which is about Taoism myths and statements written only in Chinese characters. In 『Daesoon Jeongyeong Volume 6』, the chapter 「Words of Law」 has more contents on edification for disciples, Cheok and resolving grudges with more detailed expression of woman resolving their piled up grudges. This chapter also has writings about discriminating old evil customs of Confucianism, emphasizing virtue and act of reciprocating for offered graces while training of one's mind and working on one's daily practice (shown in Sangje's saying about certain historical figures, quoting the Song of Suwun, statements in Chinese characters), Sangje's opinion about Japan, China, ancestral beings, eating raw foods, Byeokgok and others. In comparison with 「Words of Law」 in 『Daesoon Jeongyeong Volume 6』, which was issued in 1965 as the previous generation literature, 「Law of Teaching」 in 『Jeongyeong』 has many additional statements made to existing passages. Also, some passages were combined of two previous passages, some words were corrected, and in some passages, additional statements were made about the same person mentioned in another passage. And some passages were dropped. For the contents, 『Jeongyeong』 has additional statements about spiritual training of one's mind and practicing the teaching in daily lives, which indicates that 『Jeongyeong』 is focusing more on actual daily practice and the idea of overcoming hardships during the practice and realizing the principle of Resolution of all grudges.

Some Views for the Buddhist Culture of Southeast Asia at Middle Ages through the Chinese Description (I): Focused on the documents of Faxian and Ichong (중국문헌을 통해본 중세 동남아의 불교문화(I): 법현(法顯)과 의정(義淨)의 저술을 중심으로)

  • JOO, Soo Wan
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.55-94
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    • 2010
  • Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

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A Survey of the preference of the Turk for Korean Kimchi (한국전통 김치의 다양화 및 세계화를 위한 터키인의 기호도 조사연구)

  • Lee, Myung-Ki;Jang, Dai-Ja;Rhee, Kyoung-Kae;Kim, Dong-Soo;Moon, Sung-Won
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.690-695
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    • 2007
  • This research aimed to Kimchi to be well known in the World, which to be international food on the each nation and each people, each religion cultural area, with having done Kimchi adaptation plan for localization. Among the plan, Kimchi utilization ways with the localization strategy in Turkish dietary life were investigated to the Kimchi preference, improvement points on Turkish view, for the Turkey person it would be able to apply in Turkish food culture, and the results are as follows. 1. According to sex of Chinese cabbage Kimchi preference, men ($M=3.75\;{\pm}\;0.89$) appeared higher than women ($M=3.62\;{\pm}\;0.88$). Color or appearance preference after Chinese cabbage Kimchi taste was investigated in order that red > burnish felt > transparent > yellow, and the smell preference which was hot($M=4.64\;{\pm}\;1.37$) appeared highest. A hot taste felt most intensely, and it was investigated in order that aftertaste> salty taste > sourness > off flavor taste > fermented fish source taste > sweetness> carbonic acid by the followings. For the feeling of texture of Kimchi, the crunch was higher than durable tough(it was visible the consider difference of the sex 2. That the Korean Kimchi hit to a palatable taste, against 109 people (72.2%) answered suitable appetite to this taste, and the reason which was in order of that hot tasty > appearance > chewing texture > red > fermented flavor was investigated. Did not hit to a taste 42 people (27.8%) answer back, with the reason that was investigated in order of hot tasty > appearance > red > fermented flavor > chewing texture. The hot tasty of Kimchi was commonly presented that hit and did not hit to appetite taste against people. 3. Among the Turkish food, similar foods for Kimchi were answered in order of Lahana Tursu (44.2 %) > Kapuska (25.9 %) > Lahana Prasa (11.1%), and similar food category were that Chinese cabbage or various vegetables to be pickling food and to be dressing salad with salt and vinegar. The accompanied or garnished Turkich food category for Kimchi were answered in order of cooking meat (34.1%)> steamed cooking rice (22.7%)> cooking fish (17.0%)> cooking soybean (14.2%). This result was same tendency with steamed cooking rice accompaniment for Kimchi in Korea and Turkey, and could be applied a new main menu like meat cooking and fish cooking dish which matched and accompanied with Kimchi.