• Title/Summary/Keyword: Chinese Yuan

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A study on zhenjiusunanyaozhi(鍼灸素難要旨) (침구소난요지(鍼灸素難要旨)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Sim, Cheol-Ung;Kim, Jae-Jung;Kim, Jang-Saeng;Lee, Si-Hyeong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Oriental Medical Informatics
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.130-287
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    • 2011
  • "zhenjiusunanyaozhi(鍼灸素難要旨)" is composed of three volumes and published in 1529 by Gao Wu(高武). Gao Wu(高武) is skillful in astronomy, the art of war and the law as well as a medical practitioner in Ming Dynasty. The books he wrote "zhenjiujuying(鍼灸聚英)", "zhizhi(直指)", "douzhenzhengzong(痘疹正宗)", "shexuezhinan(射學指南)", "zhenjiujieyao(鍼灸節要)". "zhenjiusunanyaozhi鍼灸素難要旨" is written by classifying the origin of acupuncture and moxibustion. In other words, it is edited by classifying the contents related to acupuncture and moxibustion out of the ancient Chinese medical book "yellow emperor's canon of medicine and yellow emperor eighty-one difficult" in which are composed of 3 volumes as follows, Volume 1 says the main diseases on "the nine acupuncture needles figure" (九針圖), "the reinforcing and reducing the meridian" (補瀉), "the needle depth" (針刺深淺), "the five shu points - metal, wood, water, fire, earth" (正,滎,輸,經,合) based on 18 chapters in terms of acupuncture in "yellow emperor eighty-one Difficult "難經"", in which it quotes the annotation of "the difficulty by the original meaning "難經本義"" written by Hua Shou(滑壽) in Yuan Dynasty. Volume 2 is composed of 2 parts. Part 1 says the method of treatment on 36 Chapters, the method of acupuncture use in the Linshu "靈樞" and the Suwen "素問" such as "the rule of acupuncture use" (用針方宜), "the nine-pin method" (九針式) and "the nine-pin to only use the time appropriate to consider nature of Heaven, Earth and person" (九針應天地人時以起用) etc., Part 2 says "the five difficult acupuncture(五亂刺)", "the rise and fall of energy and blood(氣血盛衰)". "the pain tolerance(耐痛)" and ect., in which are in terms of method of treatment collected the original texts of 59 chapters on acupuncture to each disease and of 8 chapters on moxibustion in the Linshu "靈樞" and the Suwen "素問". Volume 3 includes 10 chapters in which consist of "the stabbing to disease in 12 meridians (十二經病刺)", "the eight extra meridian disease (寄經八脈病)", "the twelve meridians(十二經脈)", "the fifteen collaterals (十五絡脈), the twelve meridian muscles (十二經筋)", "the acupoint (孔穴)" and etc. This is the book edited comprehensively by classifying the contents on the theory of acupuncture and moxibustion and the circulations of meridians in "yellow emperor's canon of medicine and yellow emperor eighty-one difficult" and there is no case story in particular except his comments in person. This study is for the purpose of helping researching and developing acupuncture and moxibustion and applying their clinical training.

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Jeongjae(正齋) Nam Dae-nyeon's(南大秊) Study and Thought (정재(正齋) 남대년(南大秊)의 학문과 사상)

  • Lim, Ok-kyun
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.53
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    • pp.63-100
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    • 2017
  • In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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Biological Hazard Analysis of Leaf Vegetables and Fruits According to Types of Cultivation and Distribution Systems (엽채류 및 과채류의 재배유형 및 유통경로별 생물학적 위해요소 조사)

  • Yu, Yong-Man;Youn, Young-Nam;Choi, In-Uk;Yuan, Xianglong;Lee, Young-Ha
    • Food Science and Preservation
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.35-41
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    • 2007
  • As the consumption of environmentally friendly agricultural products increases, food safety is at the forefront of public health concerns. We analyzed the biological hazards of 26 species of leaf vegetables and 4 species of fruit according to types of cultivation (conventional or organic filming) and distribution system (giant retailers or organic food stores) using various culture media, automatic bacterial identification systems, and microscopy, Total bacterial count of unwashed agricultural product ranged from $5.2{\times}10^{3}\;to\;1.5{\times}10^{5}\;CFU/mL$ (from 0.1 g of agricultural products), and the average count dropped 25-fold (range, 8-60-fold) after water washing. Microbial levels of washed organic agricultural products were $6.0{\times}10^{2}-1.9{\times}10^{4}\;CFU/mL$, and were not significantly different f개m the microbial loads on conventionally farmed produce. There was no significant difference in bacterial count from agricultural produce purchased from giant retailers or organic food stores. Total microbial count of Chinese cabbage, welsh onion, red chicory and kale were comparatively high, and Enterobacter cloacae was isolated most frequently. Parasites were detected in agricultural products purchased from conventional farm products in the stores of giant retailers, and in organic food stores, and parasite prevalence was especially high in Chinese cabbages and welsh onion. The study indicated that cultivation methods and distribution systems did not cause significant differences in biological contamination levels of agricultural produce. Some vegetables and fruits were highly contaminated effective sanitizing methods to reduce these biological hazards are needed.

Family History of Cancer and Head and Neck Cancer Risk in a Chinese Population

  • Huang, Yu-Hui Jenny;Lee, Yuan-Chin Amy;Li, Qian;Chen, Chien-Jen;Hsu, Wan-Lun;Lou, Pen-Jen;Zhu, Cairong;Pan, Jian;Shen, Hongbing;Ma, Hongxia;Cai, Lin;He, Baochang;Wang, Yu;Zhou, Xiaoyan;Ji, Qinghai;Zhou, Baosen;Wu, Wei;Ma, Jie;Boffetta, Paolo;Zhang, Zuo-Feng;Dai, Min;Hashibe, Mia
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.16 no.17
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    • pp.8003-8008
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    • 2015
  • Background: The aim of this study was to investigate whether family history of cancer is associated with head and neck cancer risk in a Chinese population. Materials and Methods: This case-control study included 921 cases and 806 controls. Recruitment was from December 2010 to January 2015 in eight centers in East Asia. Controls were matched to cases with reference to sex, 5-year age group, ethnicity, and residence area at each of the centers. Results: We observed an increased risk of head and neck cancer due to first degree family history of head and neck cancer, but after adjustment for tobacco smoking, alcohol drinking and betel quid chewing the association was no longer apparent. The adjusted OR were 1.10 (95% CI=0.80-1.50) for family history of tobacco-related cancer and 0.96 (95%CI=0.75-1.24) for family history of any cancer with adjustment for tobacco, betel quid and alcohol habits. The ORs for having a first-degree relative with HNC were higher in all tobacco/alcohol subgroups. Conclusions: We did not observe a strong association between family history of head and neck cancer and head and neck cancer risk after taking into account lifestyle factors. Our study suggests that an increased risk due to family history of head and neck cancer may be due to shared risk factors. Further studies may be needed to assess the lifestyle factors of the relatives.

A study on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok(사부송유목록), or a Classified Catalogue for Recitation and Appreciation of Classics (사부송유목록에 대한 연구)

  • Lee Sang-Yong
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.25
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    • pp.445-476
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    • 1993
  • This paper is written to clarify the specific details of the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok(사부송유목록). which is a reading list for recitation and appreciation of Chinese classics edited by Hong Suk-Chu(1774-1842) when he was 56 years old for the stimulation of his younger brother Hyun-Ju (1793-1865)'s reading life. In this study the catalogue's title interpretation. the time of the editing, the motive for the editing and the analysis of the contents are revealed as what they actually are. The main details are as followings. There is no date written on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok but the writer estimate it to be around 1829. After Hong Suk-Chu recognized the fact that although his younger brother Hyun-Ju was interested in reading but felt that he was a little too old to begin to read all the books of the whole classes. he selected the classic works from whole subjects, i.e. history, philosophy and anthology, that he thought which would best represent each subject. From these selected works he then picked out the most important chapters or parts of the works. Another motivation of the editing was for the stimulation of the reading life for Hong Suk-chu himself and for people like himself who were getting old and losing their vitality. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok consists of four categories. i.e. classics category, history category, philosophy category and anthology category, and in the catalogue, 26 different works are entered. The classics category has ten, the history category has six, the philosophy category has six and the anthology category has four. Each of the works are entered under the title of the book, and hen the chapter heading. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok was edited 19 years later than Hong-ssi toksorok(홍씨독서록) or an Annotated Bibliography of Korean and Chinese Books. Comparing each category of the catalogue with the Hong-ssi toksorok, the writer could catch the following characteristics. 1. Although there was no indication of the class heading, the sequence of the arrangement of the entries in the classics categories was the same as the sequence of the classes in the Hong-ssi toksorok. 2. The Zuo-shi Chun-qiu-zhuan(좌씨춘추전) is recorded in the class of Chunqiu of the classics category in the Hong-ssi toksorok, but in the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok, it belongs to the history category. 3. In the philosophy category of the catalogue, Chuangtzu(장자) writings are included because it is so well written. 4. Unlike the categories of classics, history and anthology, the philosophy category is recorded under the author's name. This is fascinating because it unites with the conventional cataloguing practice of the west. 5. In the anthology category, the writings with the best styles from the Chuci(초사) or the poems of Chou, Wen-xuan(문선), wen-yuan-ying-hua(문여영화) are selected and classified into four parts: (1) poems, (2) proses of Han, Wei and Pre-Qin dynasties. (3) Si-liu-pian-li-wen(사육병려문), (4) classic style of writings of Tang and Song dynasties (당송고문). 6. There was an unusually large number of Han Yu's writings selected from the great eight poets of Tang and Song dynasty writings. (20 categories out of $43: 47\%)$ After comparing the entries of the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok, it can be concluded that all the entries were also included in the Hong-ssi tokrorok. The fact that the sequence of the entries in the classics category and that the literary works were sequenced under the same subject by the year of editing or writing like as the Hong-ssi toksorok Also it is unusual that there was not even one literary work of a Korean in the catalogue. Anyhow this catalogue is the first recitation catalogue in our country that was edited for the people in the prime of life as well as for old people and is the only one existing today.

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A Comparative Study on the Effect of Enterprise SNS on Job Performance - Focused on the Mediation Effect of Communication Level and Moderating Effect of Nationality - (기업용 SNS 이용이 업무성과에 미치는 영향의 국가 간 비교연구 - 커뮤니케이션 수준의 매개효과와 국적의 조절효과를 중심으로 -)

  • Chen, Jing-Yuan;Kwon, Sun-Dong
    • Management & Information Systems Review
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.137-157
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    • 2019
  • Companies are trying to use enterprise SNS for collaboration and speedy decision-making. This study verified the mediating effect of communication between enterprise SNS and job performance, and proved the moderating effect of nationality between enterprise SNS and communication. This study collected survey data of 81 Korean and 81 Chinese from employees who have used enterprise SNS in Korea and China. As results of data analysis, first, enterprise SNS improved job performance through speedy information sharing and error reduction. Second, communication mediated the effect of enterprise SNS on job performance. Third, enterprise SNS increased the level of organizational communication through decreasing the burden of offline face-to-face communication. Compared with Chinese corporate organizations, Korean corporate organizations have high power distances, centralized control, and high superior authority. Therefore, in the off-line communication situation, the subordinate feels the social pressure to follow the command of the superior. Thus communication is one-way and closed. In this Korean organizational situation, corporate SNS can be used as a means to bypass rigid offline communication. In the online communication environment of non face-to-face corporate SNS, anxiety and stress of face-to-face communication can be reduced, so communication between the upper and lower sides can flow more smoothly. The contribution of this paper is that it proved that enterprise SNS promotes communication and improve job performance by reducing the anxiety or stress of offline communication, while according to prior research successful adoption of many types of information systems requires the fit between an organization and its organizational culture.

Research of the Neo-Confucianism and the development of Landscape painting in Song Dynasty (성리학(性理學)과 산수화(山水畵)의 발전에 관한 연구 - 송대를 중심으로 -)

  • Jang, Wan-sok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.309-336
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    • 2011
  • There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

A study of the Medical System in the Early Chosun-Dynasty (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 전기(前期)의 의료제도(醫療制度)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Han, Dae-Hee;Kang, Hyo-Shin
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.9
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    • pp.555-652
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    • 1996
  • Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

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