• 제목/요약/키워드: Chinese Tradition

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Trends and Issues in the Research of Chinese Educational Technology

  • ZHAO, Hai Lan
    • Educational Technology International
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    • 제6권2호
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    • pp.87-100
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study lies in touching the study trend of Chinese education technology through the analysis on present situation of the study in Chinese education technology, and is to suggest the direction for the its further study and development. In order to achieve these kinds of study purpose, the frames have been set to grasp the features and trend of Chinese educational technology in such as 4 aspects of educational technology definition, curriculum and the cultivation of genuine individuals, study zone aspect and the method, and in order to grasp, in the comparison with the countries of advanced educational technology such as Korea, America etc., the progressive features and the trend of development of Chinese educational technology have been analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it has been found that Chinese educational technology has the different features in the study and development of educational technology of Korea and America in the abovementioned 4aspects. First, in the education technology comprehension, it differs from Korea, Japan and America, and understands the technology as a skill. Consequently, in either study or actuality, it seems puts more emphasis on skills (moreover, the aspect of hardware). Second, in the aspect of curriculum and the cultivation of the genuine individuals, gives preponderance to science aspect, and the unclear distinction between the education technology and the computer science makes that the true character of educational technology is not clear. Third, when speaking of study fields and study methods, those of china is a little behind of the advanced nations of the educational engineering, Korea, America and so on. And in the range of study, China is following the international tendency but when it comes to the depth of study and quality is very far from perfect. In the aspect of study method, the theoretical study, design study and development study are occupying mostly, and it is hardly to see the existence about actual proof study, and in this aspect, it is quite different than that of Korea and America. And it is judged that it is related with the traditional educational ideology and the academic study tradition, the cultural air and the features of economical development of China.

한국미술에서의 동양성 개념의 출현과 변형 (Birth and Transformation of the Concept of "Oriental-ness" in Korean Art)

  • 정형민
    • 미술이론과 현장
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    • 제1호
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    • pp.109-144
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    • 2003
  • Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

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중국 초등학교 저학년 수학교과서의 특징 (Features of Chinese Lower-grade Elementary Mathematics Textbooks in Contrast with Korea's)

  • 김판수;주와;홍갑주
    • 대한수학교육학회지:수학교육학연구
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    • 제20권3호
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    • pp.241-254
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    • 2010
  • 이 연구에서는 중국 수학교육의 전통과 새 교육과정의 취지에 대한 고려 하에, 중국 초등학교 저학년 교과서의 특징을 한국 교과서와 비교하여 분석하였다. 그 결과 중국 교과서는 연습과 기능을 중요시하고, 개념을 통합적으로 제시하고, 다양한 학습내용을 동시에 제시하고, 곳곳에 유모어러스한 표현을 담고 있으며, 문제의 조건을 함축적으로 제시하는 등의 특징이 있는 것으로 드러났다. 이러한 분석 결과로부터 우리나라 교과서 집필과 수학교육 전반에 대한 시사점을 제시하였으며 후속연구의 방향을 제안하였다.

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삶의 만족도에 미치는 개인 가치관의 영향력: 한국, 중국, 일본의 국가 비교를 중심으로 (The Effects of Personal Values on Life Satisfaction: Focusing on the Comparison between Korea, China, and Japan)

  • 정선영
    • 가정과삶의질연구
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    • 제35권1호
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    • pp.71-81
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    • 2017
  • This study examined the effects of personal values on the levels of life satisfaction among three Northeast Asian countries: Korea, China, and Japan. For this, it used data from the World Values Survey and adopted the value categories framed by Schwartz(2012). The mains findings are as follows. First, the Korean respondents showed the lowest levels of life satisfaction and the Japanese respondents showed the lowest levels of importance on each value. Second, the Korean and Chinese respondents who put more importance on the value of 'self-direction' showed higher levels of life satisfaction. Third, the Chinese and Japanese respondents who put more importance on the value of 'benevolence' showed higher levels of life satisfaction. Fourth, while the Chinese and Japanese respondents with a higher level of importance on the value of 'universalism' and 'tradition', respectively, showed higher levels of life satisfaction, the Korean respondents with a higher level of importance on the value of 'power' showed lower levels of life satisfaction. Based on the findings, it suggested the directions for future research.

공자의 "보수성"에 대한 재검토: 고고학적 발견에 대한 응답 (Reconsidering Confucius' Conservatism: A Response to Archeological Evidence)

  • 김영민
    • 철학연구
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    • 제97호
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    • pp.5-31
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    • 2012
  • 공자는 종종 중국 정치 전통이 가진 보수성의 상징으로서 다루어졌고, 그에 따라 혹독한 비판대상이 되었다. 공자가 상징한다는 "보수성"을 어떻게 정의하든 관계없이, 공히 지적되어 온 점은 논어(論語)의 내용이 과거의 전통에 대한 존숭의 태도를 공공연하게 표명하고 있다는 사실이다. 그런데 공자의 보수성에 대한 논란을 근본적으로 재고하게끔 만드는 흥미로운 고고학적 성과가 근년에 제출되었다. 고고학자 폴켄하우젠(Lothar von Falkenhausen)은 그간 중국 내외에서 진행된 청동기 유물 고증을 치밀하게 종합하여, 공자가 주공(周公) 당시에 융성했다고 간주하고 자신이 계승하겠다고 천명한 이상적 문화의 모습이, 공자가 말한 것보다는 훨씬 근과거에 일어난 것임을 보여주었던 것이다. 따라서 본 논문은 고고학적 연구를 통해 불거진 모순을 계기로 하여, 공자의 "보수성"과 관련되어 논의되어온 논어의 핵심 부분을 재해석하여, 공자가 "과거" 혹은 "전통"과 맺은 관계를 보다 풍요롭게 해명하고자 한다. 그리고 그와 같은 과정을 통해 해명된 내용은 공자의 정치적 비전을 새롭게 조명할 기회를 부여할 것으로 기대한다.

"주역참동계(周易參同契)"와 주석서에 대한 서지학적(書誌學的) 연구 (Study on bibliography of "Zhouyi cantong qi(周易參同契)" and the Book of Annotation)

  • 임명진;김병수;강정수
    • 혜화의학회지
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    • 제19권2호
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    • pp.25-33
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    • 2011
  • Daoism is a very important subject that consists of oriental medicine(traditional east asia medicine). Among the many scriptures, The Zhouyi cantong qi (周易參同契, Token for Joining the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes) is the main Chinese alchemical scripture. This book is composed with three kinds of subject, Zhouyi(周易, the Book of Changes), the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and alchemy(鍊金, 爐火). The author's name is not signed but is concealed in the text. According to the traditional account, the legendary Han immortal from Guiji (會稽, in present-day Zhejiang, 古 浙江), Wei Boyang(魏伯陽), wrote it in the period between Emperor Shun and Emperor Huan of the Eastern Han (126-127 BC), after reading the Longhu jing (龍虎經, Scripture of the Dragon and Tiger). Later he transmitted it to Xu Congshi(徐從事), who appended a commentary, and to Chunyu Shutong(淳于叔通), who first circulated it in the world. While some features of this account provide significant details - especially about the reputed date of the text and about its formation having taken place in stages - the received Cantong qi(參同契) actually is not the product of a single generation of authors, but the result of several centuries of textual accretions as well as theory of three co-authorship by Wei Boyang(魏伯陽), Xu Congshi(徐從事), Chunyu Shutong(淳于叔通). It has over 6000 characters in four-word or five-word verses. Some parts of the book are in styles of prose and poem. Many scholars explain the title "cantongqi(參同契)", saying that "Can(參)" means three, "Tong(同)" means correspondence, and "Qi(契)" means unification. Through images of hexagrams of the Book of Changes, the book illustrates the thought of the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and alchemy. Wei Boyang(魏伯陽) theorizes his own experience unifying the way of intercourse of Yin and Yang in the Book of Changes, the cultivation of spirit through spontaneity of the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and the elixir refining of alchemy.

중국 명대(明代)와 유럽 중세의 용(龍) 비교를 통한 중국 MMORPG 용(龍) 캐릭터디자인 분석 (A study in the fusion of dragon image performance of Chinese MingDai and the European middle ages in the method of dragon character design of Chinese MMORPG)

  • 양원;이제;정석호;이동열;유석호
    • 한국콘텐츠학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국콘텐츠학회 2009년도 춘계 종합학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.221-226
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    • 2009
  • 중국 MMORPG 게임에서 용의 캐릭터 디자인은 서양 게임의 용 캐릭터 영향을 받아 정체성이 결여 되어 있다. 서양 용 이미지가 너무 강해서 중국인들이 게임에서 그 용의 이미지를 받아 들이기에는 이질감이 너무 크다. 이러한 이유로 인해 중국전통 용의 디자인을 게임에 표현할 용 캐릭터디자인 분석이 필요하다. 우선 문화적 측면과 디자인적 측면을 고려하여 스타일 표현 특징을 설명하고 현재 MMORPG 게임에서 용 캐릭터로 사용되고 있는 용의 표현 분석을 통해 그 차이성을 살펴보고, 또한 동서양 융합을 모색할 수 있는 방향을 제안하고자 한다. 이를 위해 동양을 대표하는 중국 명대(明代)의 용과 서양 중세의 용의 비교 분석을 통해 용합하고 MMORPG에서 중국 게임 콘텐츠 디자인에 응용 가능한 용 캐릭터 프로토타입을 제작하고자 한다.

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우리 성명(姓名)의 생성 발달에 대하여 (The Origin and Development of Korean Names)

  • 도수희
    • 인문언어
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    • 제1권1호
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    • pp.255-274
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    • 2001
  • This paper examines the history of Korean names, focusing on the structural characteristics and the literal meanings of those for kings and ordinary people. Roughly speaking, the Korean surname system traces its source to China. Historical records show that the Chinese were already using their family names around 1000 B.C. After a millennium or so, the Korean began to follow suit. Initially, however, surnames were in regular use among kings and their kin only: it was not until the late Shilla dynasty, around A.D. 800, that the commoners began to have Heir surnames. And yet, surnames still tended to be limited to men of noble birth, until around A.D. 1000. Though the Korean surname system may be said to have its origin in Chinese, there are no lack of native surnames that have as long a history, e.g., Hae, Bak, Sok, Sol, Ul, and Ol. Typical surnames of Chinese origin that are found during the late Shilla dynasty, around A.D. 900, include Jang (as in Jang Bogo) and Choi (as in Choi Chiwon). Unlike those of Chinese origin, typical Korean names during the age of Three Nations tended to allude to nature or natural phenomena, as can be witnessed in Bit 'light,' Balgum 'bright,' Nuri 'world,' and Soidori where soi means 'steel' and dol 'stone,' Other surnames abound that have to do with river, stream, field, prairie, and so on. King Muryong's original name was Sama, a variant of som 'island,' indicating where he was born. A person skilled in archery was called Jumong or Hwalbo. Baembo was so called because he 'crawls like a snake, baem,' In these last two examples, bo, as well as its variant bu, functions as a suffix, and is also found in Cochilbu, Isabu, Babo, Nolbu, Hungbu, etc. The tradition of using this kind of native Korean names has gradually disappeared, giving place to the names of Chinese style-although very recently we see an on-going movement toward using native names.

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중국 민사소송제도의 특색과 중재절차에서의 임시적 처분 및 중재판정의 집행 (Characteristics of the Chinese Civil Procedure System and Enforcement of Interim Measures in Arbitration and Arbitration Awards in China)

  • 전우정
    • 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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    • 제29권2호
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    • pp.161-199
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    • 2019
  • As international trades between Korea and China increase, the number of civil disputes also increases. The civil dispute settlement system and the court system in China are distinctive from those of Korea. China has its own court systems which are characterized by the Chinese Communist System. Due to the influence of the decentralized local autonomy tradition, the case laws of each Province in China are not unified throughout the China. This is partly because only two instances are provided in China, and the parties cannot appeal to the Supreme People's Court of China unless there is a special reason. In Korea, three instances are provided and parties can appeal to the Supreme Court if a party so chooses. In addition, there are many differences in the judicial environment of China compared to Korea. Therefore, if there is a dispute between a Korean party and a Chinese party, arbitration is recommended rather than court litigation. This article examines the points to be considered for interim measures in China during arbitration. Where the seat of arbitration is Korea, interim measures cannot be taken by the order of the Chinese court in the middle of or before arbitration procedures. On the other hand, it is possible to take interim measures through the Chinese court in the middle of or before the arbitration procedure in China or Hong Kong. It also reviews the points to be noted in case of the enforcement of arbitration awards in China where permission from the upper Court is required to revoke or to deny the recognition or enforcement of a foreign-related or foreign arbitration award.

서북한 지역 전축분(塼築墳) 연대의 하한 재검토 -기년명전(紀年銘塼)을 중심으로 (Re-examination of the Latest Dates of the Brick Chamber Tombs in the Western Region of North Korea: A Focus on Dated Inscribed Bricks)

  • 장병진
    • 박물관과 연구
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    • 제1권
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    • pp.96-119
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    • 2024
  • 서북한에서 출토된 명문전에서 낙랑·대방군이 완전히 축출된 314년 이후의 연호, 심지어는 5세기 초의 연호가 확인되었다. 2군 소멸 이후에 전축분 조영의 전통이 1세기 동안 이어진 셈인데, 전축분은 고구려 지배층의 묘제로 채택된 바가 없다. 348년 조영된 장무이묘나 353년에 제작된 동리묘는 전형적인 전축분 양식에서 벗어나 석실분의 요소가 가미된 사실이 지적되었고, 장무이나 동리와 비슷한 성격의 존재인 동수의 무덤(안악 3호분)은 357년 석실봉토분으로 조영되었다. 그럼에도 반세기 동안 전축분 조영이 계속되었다는 것은 다소 의문이었다. 기년명전이 중요한 근거가 되었지만, 선행 연구를 반복적으로 재생산했던 문제가 있었다. 357년 이후로 파악했던 일부 기년명전의 경우에는 연호 해석에 오류가 있었음이 지적되기도 했다. 전진 시기인 386년으로 파악했던 '대안(태안) 2년' 명문전은 서진 혜제 시기인 303년으로, 후연 시기인 407년으로 파악한 '건시 원년' 명문전도 301년 서진 혜제를 몰아내고 사마윤이 잠시 제위를 차지했던 시기에 사용한 연호라는 견해였다. 이들 사례를 제외하면 357년 이후에 제작되었다고 알려진 기년명전은 '원흥 3년' 명문전만 남는다. 그런데 명문전을 재검토한 결과 '원흥'은 '영흥'의 오독임을 확인했다. 영흥 3년은 서진대인 306년이나 후조대인 352년에 해당하는데, 306년의 가능성이 크다. 4세기 말, 5세기 초까지 전축분이 조영된 사실을 뒷받침하는 결정적인 근거가 사라진 셈이다. 결국 장무이나 동리의 무덤은 서북한 지역에서 조영된 가장 늦은 시기의 전축분으로 볼 수 있으며, 안악 3호분이 조영될 무렵을 기점으로 서북한 지역에서는 더 이상 전축분의 조영이 이루어지지 않았던 것으로 볼 수 있다. 이러한 양상은 당대의 역사적 상황에도 부합한다.