• Title/Summary/Keyword: China Air Defense Identification Zone(CADIZ)

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Analysis concerning the latest operating concept and status for Air Defense Identification Zone(ADIZ) (최근 방공식별구역 운영 개념과 현황 분석)

  • Kim, Dongsoo;Hong, Sungpyo;Chong, Mangseok
    • Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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    • v.8 no.4
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    • pp.44-51
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    • 2014
  • This thesis analyzes the latest operating concept and status for Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) researching overseas ADIZ CONOPS, international legal basis for ADIZ, the intention & background of proclamation for China Air Defense Identification Zone(CADIZ). Firstly, ADIZ is lawful concerning international connivance for ADIZ where around 20 countries have operated, Article 56 "Rights, jurisdiction & duties of the coastal State" and Article 301 "Peaceful uses of the seas" on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLS). Secondly, ADIZ has been regarded as a support means for national interest & policy as well as military air defense one. Thirdly, Based on legal re-interpretation for UNCLS relating to ADIZ, China proclaimed CADIZ where can ensure national maritime policy and strategy including A2/AD(Anti-Access & Area Defence), inroad into the ocean, claim for Senkaku Islands possession, etc..

The Development Option for Korea Air Defense Identification Zone(KADIZ) (한국방공식별구역(KADIZ) 발전방안)

  • Kim, Dongsoo;Hong, Sungpyo;Chong, Mangseok
    • Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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    • v.10 no.1
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    • pp.127-132
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    • 2016
  • Recently, China & Japan have expanded their responding ADIZ(Air Defence Identification Zone) to implement each Government's maritime policy and to project their Air Power in preparation for maritime provocation & contingency, especially over the piled area where East Asia countries have claimed to have maritime jurisdiction one another. So this is to guide the Development Option for Korea Air Defence Identification Zone to cope with the maritime intentions of the neighboring countries, considering the international law for ADIZ, the maritime policy and the maritime sovereign & jurisdiction area of the Republic of Korea, etc.

Analysis of the Operation of China Air Defense Identification Zone (CADIZ) corresponding to the PRC's maritime strategy and the ROK's response measures (중국의 해양전략과 연계한 중국방공식별구역(CADIZ) 운영 분석과 우리의 대응방안)

  • Kim, Dongsoo;Chong, Mangseok;Hong, Sungpyo
    • Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.35-42
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    • 2017
  • This paper analyzes the intention of the PRC (People's Republic of China) to establish and operate CADIZ to implement the government's maritime policy and strategy and to project its air power in preparation for maritime provocation and contingency, especially over the area where East Asia countries have claimed to have maritime jurisdiction over one another. This paper is also intended to guide the Republic of Korea's response measures for coping with the maritime intention and threat of China by such measures as reinforcing military power, constructing the strategic air base in Jeju, and expanding the present KADIZ.

China's Assertive Diplomacy and East Asian Security (중국의 공세적 대외행태와 동아시아 안보)

  • Han, Seok-Hee
    • Strategy21
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    • s.33
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    • pp.37-64
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    • 2014
  • The year 2010 has been regarded as a year of China's assertive diplomacy. A series of China's behavior--including China's critical reaction to the U.S. for its sales of weapons to Taiwan, the Dalai Lama's visit to President Obama, China's arbitrary designation of 'core interests' over the South China Sea, China's inordinate reactions to the sinking of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong bombardment, and China's activities in the Senkaku/Diaoyu island areas--has served as the witnesses to China's assertive diplomacy in 2010. The major causes of China's assertive diplomacy can be summed up by three factors: potential power transition from U.S. to China; emerging China's nationalism; and the recession of the Tao Guang Yang Hui as a diplomatic principle. But a majority of Western sinologists claim that China's assertive diplomacy is defensive in terms of its character. China's neighboring states, however, perceive its assertive diplomacy as diplomatic threat. Due to these states' geographical proximity and capability gaps with China, these neighbors experience difficulties in coping with China's behavior. In particular, China's coercive economic diplomacy, in which China tends to manipulate the neighbors' economic dependency on China for its diplomatic leverage, is a case in point for China's assertive diplomacy. China's assertiveness seems to be continued even after the inauguration of Xi Jinping government. Although the Xi government's diplomatic rhetorics in "New Type of Great Power Relationship" and the "Convention for Neighboring States Policy" sound friendly and cooperative, its subsequent behavior, like unilateral announcement of Chinese Air Defense Identification Zone (CADIZ), does not conform with its rhetoric. Overall, China's assertiveness has been consolidated as a fashion of its diplomacy, and it is likely to continue in its relations with neighbors. As a neighboring state, the ROK should approach to it with more balanced attitude. In addition, it needs to find out a new diplomatic leverage to deal with China in accordance with its security environment, in which China plays a growing role.