• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.5-36
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• 2014

This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.93-134
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• 2021

With the inauguration of the Bolsonaro administration in 2019, Brazil experienced a noticeable transformation in its policy lines at home and abroad. Limiting this change to diplomacy, it can be pointed out that pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy, which is clearly distinguished from the previous regimes, has begun in earnest. Nevertheless, the existing literature on this topic is limited, and it is mainly poetic reporting through the media. This paper aims to derive the main determinant of Bolsonaru's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomatic lines by postulating the individual level of the political leader as a key variable. This study argues that his personal experience and beliefs and world views formed by his life history, and Bolsonaro's political calculation that would strengthen his domestic political support through linking between his domestic politics and diplomatic lines, ultimately influenced the dependent variable. This study is thought to be meaningful in that it enhanced the theoretical implications of not only the theory of foreign policy determinants but also the understanding of Brazil's foreign policy by explaining the factors of Brazil's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy through focusing on an individual level.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.27-45
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• 2012

Among political scientists, Japan's free trade agreements (FTA) with member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been considered to be a political tool that can compete against China for regional leadership in East Asia. However, this paper demonstrates that Japan's so-called FTA diplomacy towards ASEAN nations serves the broad interests of Japanese actors in both the political and economic sectors. Given the attention to Japanese domestic political issues, it is argued that diplomacy primarily facilitates a need for free trade with ASEAN and ASEAN markets for Japanese corporations to compete in the global economy and for the government to nurture Japan's stagnant economy by assisting these corporations. This work also contends that the unclear function of FTA as an economic good is due to the lack of the government capacity to effectively manage FTA diplomacy. This partly results from the conventional view with regard to Sino-Japanese rivalry.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.8
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• pp.37-57
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• 2022

Purpose -International diplomacy is key for the cohesive economic growth of countries around the world. This study aims to identify the major topics discussed and make sense of word pairs used in sentences by Chinese senior leaders during their diplomatic visits. It also compares the differences between key topics addressed during diplomatic visits to developed and developing countries. Design/methodology - We employed three methods: word frequency, co-word, and semantic network analysis. Text data are crawling state and official visit news released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China regarding diplomatic visits undertaken from 2015-2019. Findings - The results show economic and diplomatic relations most prominently during state and official visits. The discussion topics were classified according to nine centrality keywords most central to the structure and had the maximum influence in China. Moreover, the results showed that China's diplomatic issues and strategies differ between developed and developing countries. The topics mentioned in developing countries were more diverse. Originality/value - Our study proposes an effective approach to identify key topics in Chinese diplomatic talks with other countries. Moreover, it shows that discussion topics differ for developed and developing countries. The findings of this research can help researchers conduct empirical studies on diplomacy relationships and extend our method to other countries. Additionally, it can significantly help key policymakers gain insights into negotiations and establish a good diplomatic relationship with China.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.237-258
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• 2021

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the risks of an over-concentration of supply chains in one country. It has motivated stakeholders to pursue diversification strategies. However, a paradox exists. Stakeholders have shied away from a complete decoupling and preferring to selectively enhance economic ties with China. This article explores this paradox by examining supply chain concentration in China as a form of asymmetric interdependence and the countermeasures from the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India to minimize vulnerabilities. It argues that while the COVID-19 disruptions have brought to light the risk of supply chain overconcentration in China, countermeasures are also driven by coercive diplomacy and the deepening U.S.-China rivalry. The paper also examines the feasibility of diversification efforts by focusing on the capacity and capabilities of alternative supply chain hubs. It finds that while states are actively seeking ways to prevent China from using asymmetric interdependence of supply chains and trade to gain political leverage, there are structural limits to the degree of diversification in the short to mid-term.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.873-896
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• 2009

China's the resource diplomacy towards Africa as successful results that are difficult to find precedents even within the world's diplomatic community. These results was after having its first diplomatic contact with Africa, during the Bandung Conference of 1955, China supported the armed independence movement of each colony in Africa. These several material and immaterial ad and sacrifice continued for over half a century and they could be see as the products of the Cold War that was created. The importance of the argument, how did and international relation that began as an idea extend into the spheres of politics and economics, has resurfaced. With this objective, the purpose of this research is to understand the initial stages of Chinese versus African policies that started with the first official contact between China and Africa, centered on the 1995 Bandung Conference and the 1957 Afro-Asian People's Solidarity and Study the development of the ensuing relationship.