• Title/Summary/Keyword: China's Role

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A Study on the Korean Shamanistic Myth "Samgong Bonpoori" from the Perspective of Analytical Psychology (무가 '삼공본풀이'에 대한 분석심리학적 고찰)

  • Myung-sook Hwang
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.145-186
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    • 2015
  • This thesis discusses and analyzes Jeju island's shamanistic myth "Samgong Bonpoori" from the perspective of analytical psychology. Similar to the "I live on my fortune"-type folktales discovered in the Korean mainland, "Samgong Bonpoori" is such a widespread myth that similar folktales are found not only in East Asian regions, including Korea, Japan, and China, but also in Ireland. The essence of the story is as follows; One day, a father asked his three daughters whose fortune they lived on. The first two daughters claimed that they owe their lives to their parents. However, the youngest daughter, Gameunjang-agi, replied, against his expectation, that "I live on my own fortune," and showed her fortune and virtue were physically embodied in the line drawn from her genitals to navel. Her answer enrages his father so fiercely that she was expelled and forced to embark on a journey with no one but a black cow carrying food to accompany her. In retaliation for telling lies against her, Gameunjang-agi transformed her two sisters into a centipede and a mushroom, while her parents were turned into beggars afflicted with blindness. Afterward, Gameunjang-agi wandered around the country and eventually found love with a Chinese yam digger. Not long after, they got married, and as a couple, they stumbled upon roots of gold in fields, which brought them an incredible amount of wealth. After this miracle has happened, Gameunjang-agi began to wonder about the status of her parents and decided to organize a party for all the beggars and the blinds in the country. She eventually found her parents and got a chance to reconcile with her sisters. The story ends with her parents regaining their eyesight and Gameunjang-agi reestablishing herself as the "Goddess of Providence." "Samgong Bonpoori" is a myth about a God. A God is ontologically a supremely perfect being; however, in this thesis, it will be discussed as a part of a folktale. Gameunjang-agi can be seen as the anima archetype of the father, which reveals the process of a paternal consciousness being transformed over time. At first, her parents deny Gameunjang-agi. However, after years of suffering from blindness, they regain their eyesight and finally recognize their daughter. This signifies that Gameunjang-agi is a being that has come into the world for a certain "purpose." Gameunjang-agi embodies the creative function of "femininity" that can renew the existing collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system. Such recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women. Without knowing their true nature (femininity), the two sisters submit themselves to their parents and conventional values. Not until they suffer from being transformed and captured into small and insignificant beings, a centipede and a mushroom, which symbolize their shadow, they fail to develop their self-awareness. Meanwhile, by reconciling with her parents and sisters--playing a significant role in reuniting the family--Gameunjang-agi turns out to be a figure that can reveal what it truly means to have self-awareness and achieve Self-realization. In conclusion, this story illustrates that recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women, and women's Self-realization plays a critical role in revitalizing the collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system.

Korean Art from the view of foreigners in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s (광복 후부터 1950년대까지 한국에서 활동한 외국인이 본 한국미술)

  • Cho, Eun-Jung
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.123-144
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    • 2006
  • Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

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Development of the forecasting model for import volume by item of major countries based on economic, industrial structural and cultural factors: Focusing on the cultural factors of Korea (경제적, 산업구조적, 문화적 요인을 기반으로 한 주요 국가의 한국 품목별 수입액 예측 모형 개발: 한국의, 한국에 대한 문화적 요인을 중심으로)

  • Jun, Seung-pyo;Seo, Bong-Goon;Park, Do-Hyung
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.23-48
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    • 2021
  • The Korean economy has achieved continuous economic growth for the past several decades thanks to the government's export strategy policy. This increase in exports is playing a leading role in driving Korea's economic growth by improving economic efficiency, creating jobs, and promoting technology development. Traditionally, the main factors affecting Korea's exports can be found from two perspectives: economic factors and industrial structural factors. First, economic factors are related to exchange rates and global economic fluctuations. The impact of the exchange rate on Korea's exports depends on the exchange rate level and exchange rate volatility. Global economic fluctuations affect global import demand, which is an absolute factor influencing Korea's exports. Second, industrial structural factors are unique characteristics that occur depending on industries or products, such as slow international division of labor, increased domestic substitution of certain imported goods by China, and changes in overseas production patterns of major export industries. Looking at the most recent studies related to global exchanges, several literatures show the importance of cultural aspects as well as economic and industrial structural factors. Therefore, this study attempted to develop a forecasting model by considering cultural factors along with economic and industrial structural factors in calculating the import volume of each country from Korea. In particular, this study approaches the influence of cultural factors on imports of Korean products from the perspective of PUSH-PULL framework. The PUSH dimension is a perspective that Korea develops and actively promotes its own brand and can be defined as the degree of interest in each country for Korean brands represented by K-POP, K-FOOD, and K-CULTURE. In addition, the PULL dimension is a perspective centered on the cultural and psychological characteristics of the people of each country. This can be defined as how much they are inclined to accept Korean Flow as each country's cultural code represented by the country's governance system, masculinity, risk avoidance, and short-term/long-term orientation. The unique feature of this study is that the proposed final prediction model can be selected based on Design Principles. The design principles we presented are as follows. 1) A model was developed to reflect interest in Korea and cultural characteristics through newly added data sources. 2) It was designed in a practical and convenient way so that the forecast value can be immediately recalled by inputting changes in economic factors, item code and country code. 3) In order to derive theoretically meaningful results, an algorithm was selected that can interpret the relationship between the input and the target variable. This study can suggest meaningful implications from the technical, economic and policy aspects, and is expected to make a meaningful contribution to the export support strategies of small and medium-sized enterprises by using the import forecasting model.

Study on ${\ulcorner}Bonchojeonghwa{\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}Inbu{\lrcorner}$ ("본초정화(本草精華)" "인부(人部)"에 대한 고찰)

  • Kwon, Young-Bae;Eom, Dong-Myung;Kim, Hong-Kyoon
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.1-22
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    • 2005
  • Study on ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, which is one of the most specialized medical books in Boncho(Herbal Medicines), has been done by comparing it with some other medical books published in the Chosun dynasty. Though there was not meaningful result on e names of Korean medicine by this study and more study should follow in the future, from medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu (a chapter of medical ingredients from human body)${\lrcorner}$, we can reach on some results as follows by comparing in names of Korean medicines, their medical components, relevant explanations and etc. 1. Though it is difficult to know the author and the published year due to absence of the preface and epilogue, the publication is presumed to date from mid-l7th century, from the facts that Muheeong's ${\ulcorner}$Shinnongbonchokyongso${\lrcorner}$ is in the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$'s reference list, and that there is not Hangul expression in the names of medicines nor the Ching dynasty’s books as a reference. 2. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ of the Chosun dynasty's famous medical books, before ${\ulcorner}$ Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 19 medicines in ${\ulcorner}$Hyangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, 25 in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, and after ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 6 in ${\ulcorner}$Uimumbogam${\lrcorner}$, 4 in ${\ulcorner}$Kwangjebikup${\lrcorner}$, 11 in ${\ulcorner}$Bangyakhappyon${\lrcorner}$. And there are 37 medicines which are unique, ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ has 31, the biggest records among them. 3. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in 「Inbu」 of the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$ Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, 22 medicines were recorded in the both books, 9 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and 3 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$. 3 out of the total 37 medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ are only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Hangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, and more study on this is needed. 4. From the contents recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, Benchojeonghwa is more in detail than Donguibogam. Thus, it was specialized in Boncho (Herbal Medicines) enough to be compared with general medical books, and played a good role in leading medical science's specialization. 5. Late Chosun dynasty's medical study on Boncho (Herbal Medicines) just like ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ didn't lead to an active development of knowledge communication due to Confucian ethics. This limitation created the trend relying on general medical books or Yaksungga (songs of memorizing Boncho information) for Boncho information, but Boncho information of late Chosun dynasty became more in detail. That is, while Bokhapbang, combination of various medicines, were developed in China, Danmibang, single medicine but different intensity, were developed in Chosun. And thus, even though the kinds of medicines became smaller, but its contents became rather rich. 5. The medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$ are, from the view point of today, unclean or rather uncomfortable to use. Out those medicines, Bunchung, Hwasijangsanginkol, Hongyon, Gonidoogun, Inkondang had been used for a very long time and which proves their medical efficacy, and it is a great pity that they can’t be tried today due to the limitation by modern ethics.

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A Study on Medium-Sized Enterprises of Japan (일본의 중견기업에 관한 연구 : 현황과 특징, 정책을 중심으로)

  • Kang, Cheol Gu;Kim, Hyun Sung;Kim, Hyun Chul
    • Korean small business review
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.209-223
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    • 2010
  • Korea's business is composed of a few large-sized enterprises (which can be abbreviated as LSE) and a majority of small-sized enterprises (SSE). Although there has been a growing recognition of the need for the development of medium-sized enterprises (MSE) which can serve as a link between SSE and LSE, as yet there has not yet been a consensus on the definition, characteristics and the function of the MSE in Korea. Nowadays, the world is being globalized, and Japan and China are in competition to ne a great economic power. While East Asia is experiencing rapid changes, promoting MSE which can secure flexibility and efficiency through covering up the limitation of LSE and SSE is needed in order to respond the global market which is being specialized. The features of MSE in Japan can be listed as follows. First, the MSE in Japan is developing the company through getting into niche markets which are hard for major companies to enter rather than developing markets in order to compete against major companies directly. While MSEs are endeavoring to build the business firmly in the domestic market, they can possess special and competitive technical skills through trials and errors; so that they can get a chance develop their business through independent business system rather than putting their effort to compete against major companies. Second, from the MSEs with competitive edge in the market, there are many contributions to the national exportation. Those MSEs produce in domestic and maintain the quality of high price products which need cutting-edge technology, while they relocate the low and middle priced goods to the country where manufacturing costs are low, so that they can maintain the price competitiveness. Third, the industrial structure in Japan is formed from dual structure between major companies and small sized companies. In other words, in Japan's industrial structure which are composed of subcontract structure, this dual structure has taken a major role of small sized companies' growth and manufacturing businesses' international competitive power. Forth, MSE in Japan adopt a strategy of putting their value on qualitative scale growth rather than quantitative scale growth. In this paper, the case of Japanese MSE is analyzed. Along with its long history of Industrialization, Japan has a corporate environment where the SSEs can develop as a MSE and later a LSE through a full-support system. Among its SSEs, there are a number of world class corporations equipped with a large domestic market, win-win cooperation with the LSEs and an independent technology development. It can also be observed that these SSEs develop into MSEs with sustainable growth potentials. This study will focus on the condition under which the MSEs of Japan have been developed, and how they have survived the competition between SSEs and LSEs. Through this study, this paper attempts to offer solutions to Korea's polarization between the SSE and LSE, while providing the basis for SSEs revitalization. In general, if both extremities phenomenon deepen between LSE and SSE, there are possible fears of occurring disutility in national economy by the monopolization of LSE. For that reason, enterprise group, which can make SSE or MSE compete LSE in some area and ease the monopoly and oligopoly problem, is needed. This awareness has been shared for ages long. Nevertheless, there is no legal definition for MSE in Japan, and there is no definition about the enterprise size or unified view of MSE between scholars, but it is defined differently by each of academical person or research institution and study meeting. For that reason, this paper will organize the definition of MSE in Japan, and then will propose the characteristics of the background which has made MSE secure competitiveness and sustainable growth in global market. This study focus on that because through this process, the positive change to the awareness of MSE can be proposed in Korea and to seek the policy direction for building institutional framework which can make SSE become MES. Through this way, the fundamentals for SSE to become MSE can be managed and some appropriate suggestions which will be able to make MSE enter the global market in the future can also be proposed. Due to these facts, this study is very important and well timed task. In a sense of this way, this study will examine the definition and role of MSE in Japan. after this examination, this study will deal with the status, special feature, and promotion policy for MSE. Through this analysis of MSE in Japan, the foundation which be able to set the desirable role model for MSE in Korea can be proposed. Also, the political implication which is needed to push ahead to contribute to creating employment and economic growth through sustainable growth of MSEs in economic system of Korea can be offered through this study. It has been found that Japan's MSE functions as an indispensable link among various industrial structures by holding a significant position in employment rate, production and value added. Although the MSEs took up less than 1% of the entire number of businesses with 2700 manufacturing firms and 7000 non-manufacturing firms, its employment ratios are about 15%, while taking about 25% of the manufacturing industry's exports. In industries such as machinery and electronics which is considered Japan's major industry, the MSEs showed a higher than average ratio of manufacturing exports and employment rate. It can be analyzed that behind Japan's advantageous industries, close and deeply knit MSEs exist. Although there are no clearly stated policies geared towards the MSEs by the Japanese government, various political measures exist such as the R&D Project and the inducement of cooperation between enterprises which gives room for MSEs to participate in the SSE policies. In relation to these findings, the following practical measures can be considered in order to revitalize Korea's MSEs: First, there is a need for a legal definition of MSE and the incentives to provide legal support for its growth. Second, if a law to support the MSEs is established, it could provide a powerful inducement for the SSE to grow as a MSE, rather than stay as a SSE. Third, there is a need for a strategy of MSEs to establish a stable base in the domestic market and then advance to the global market with the accumulated trial and error and competitiveness. Fourth, the SSE themselves need the spirit of entrepreneurship in order to make the leap to a MSE. Because if nothing is to be changed about the system on the firms that grew, and the parts of the past custom was left to be managed alone, confusion and absence of management can take place. No matter how much tax favors the government will give and no matter how much incentive there could be through the policies, there are limits for industries to higher the ability to propagate. And because of that it is a period where industries need their own innovative skills to reform their firms.

21st Century ROK's Art History Research on Central Eurasia (21세기 한국의 중앙유라시아 미술사 연구)

  • Lim, Young-ae
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.3
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    • pp.186-203
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    • 2015
  • This article attempts to examine both the outcome and future task of the art history research on Central Eurasia, better known under the name of "Silk Road". The term Central Eurasia encompasses Xinjiang Uygur, Tibet, Mongolia, former Soviet Republics, the northwest region of India, Iran and Turkey. The article analyzes the 30-year history of the region's art history research and further presents a desirable direction that the study should move towards. Though short in its research period, the ROK's art history study on Central Eurasia has shown eye-catching achievement in several areas such as the northwest region of India and the Xinjiang Uygur, Dunhwang of China. Two factors allowed for this accomplishment. First was the actual improvement of the work environment, where the scholars were finally able to travel to Central Eurasia and explore the historic sites for themselves since 1990. More important was the 'arena of study' for the next-generation scholars made possible by institutions like The Korean Association for Central Asian Studies and the Center for Central Eurasian Studies. Slowly but consistently, the two academic societies induced scholars' attention towards the field and fostered new experts. Circumstances changed, marking 2012 as the starting point. International academic forums held by the government branches surged in number. The intention behind it was to link the ROK with the Silk Road and ultimately to obtain the "Eurasia initiative". As of now, the public has shown heightened interest in the issue. The academia is subsequently riding on this second "wave of interest" following the first wave in the 1980s. However, increased popularity comes with some negative consequences, and this art history research on Central Eurasia is no exception. There are criticisms regarding the objectivity of recent academic forums. Some argue that the aim of the forums are sternly set most of the times, prohibiting the presenters to voice their own perspectives. Still, this heated attention will definitely play its role as a stepping stone for further development. The academia should commit to fostering rising researchers who will systemically and professionally study the field. This is imperative in order for the Korean culture to successfully communicate with the world and take itself to a new level. Without completing this task, the ROK's art history research on Central Eurasia is likely to remain idle.

A Comparative Study of the House Spirit Belief between the Tungus and Korea (한민족과 퉁구스민족의 가신신앙 비교 연구)

  • Kim, In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.243-266
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    • 2004
  • This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

Situation of Geological Occurrences and Utilization, and Research Trends of North Korean Coal Resources (북한 석탄 자원의 부존 및 활용현황과 연구동향)

  • Sang-Mo Koh;Bum Han Lee;Otgon-Erdene Davaasuren
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.57 no.3
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    • pp.281-292
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    • 2024
  • North Korea relies heavily on coal as the primary energy source, playing an important role in all energy demand sectors except for the transportation sector. Approximately half of the total electricity is generated through coal-fired power plants, and coal is used to produce heat and power for all industrial facilities. Furthermore, coal has been a significant contributor to earning foreign currency through long-term exports to China. Nevertheless, since the 1980s, indiscriminate mining activities have led to rapid depletion of coal production in most coal mines. Aging mine facilities, lack of investment in new equipment, shortages of fuel and electricity, difficulties in material supply, and frequent damage from flooding have collectively contributed to a noticeable decline in coal production since the late 1980s. North Korea's coal deposits are distributed in various geological formations from the Proterozoic to the Cenozoic, but the most critical coal-bearing formations are Ripsok and Sadong formations distributed in the Pyeongnam Basin of the Late Paleozoic from Carboniferous to Permian, which are called as Pyeongnam North and South Coal Fields. Over 90% of North Korea's coal is produced in these coal fields. The classification of coal in North Korea differs from the international classification based on coalification (peat, lignite, sub-bituminous coal, bituminous coal, and anthracite). North Korean classification based on industrial aspect is classified into bituminous coal, anthracite, and low-grade coal (Chomuyeontan). Based on the energy factor, it is classified into high-calorie coal, medium calorie coal, and low-calorie coal. In North Korea, the term "Chomuyeontan" refers to a type of coal that is not classified globally and is unique to North Korea. It is a low-grade coal exclusively used in North Korea and is not found or used in any other country worldwide. This article compares North Korea's coal classification and the international coal classification of coal and provides insights into the geological characteristics, reserves, utilization, and research trends of North Korean coal resources. This study could serve as a guide for preparing scientific and industrial agendas related to coal collaboration between North Korea and South Korea.

The Role of the Soft Law for Space Debris Mitigation in International Law (국제법상 우주폐기물감축 연성법의 역할에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Han-Taek
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.469-497
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    • 2015
  • In 2009 Iridium 33, a satellite owned by the American Iridium Communications Inc. and Kosmos-2251, a satellite owned by the Russian Space Forces, collided at a speed of 42,120 km/h and an altitude of 789 kilometers above the Taymyr Peninsula in Siberia. NASA estimated that the satellite collision had created approximately 1,000 pieces of debris larger than 10 centimeters, in addition to many smaller ones. By July 2011, the U.S. Space Surveillance Network(SSN) had catalogued over 2,000 large debris fragments. On January 11, 2007 China conducted a test on its anti-satellite missile. A Chinese weather satellite, the FY-1C polar orbit satellite, was destroyed by the missile that was launched using a multistage solid-fuel. The test was unprecedented for having created a record amount of debris. At least 2,317 pieces of trackable size (i.e. of golf ball size or larger) and an estimated 150,000 particles were generated as a result. As far as the Space Treaties such as 1967 Outer Space Treaty, 1968 Rescue Agreement, 1972 Liability Convention, 1975 Registration Convention and 1979 Moon Agreement are concerned, few provisions addressing the space environment and debris in space can be found. In the early years of space exploration dating back to the late 1950s, the focus of international law was on the establishment of a basic set of rules on the activities undertaken by various states in outer space.. Consequently environmental issues, including those of space debris, did not receive the priority they deserve when international space law was originally drafted. As shown in the case of the 1978 "Cosmos 954 Incident" between Canada and USSR, the two parties settled it by the memorandum between two nations not by the Space Treaties to which they are parties. In 1994 the 66th conference of International Law Association(ILA) adopted "International Instrument on the Protection of the Environment from Damage Caused by Space Debris". The Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee(IADC) issued some guidelines for the space debris which were the basis of "the UN Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines" which had been approved by the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space(COPUOS) in its 527th meeting. On December 21 2007 this guideline was approved by UNGA Resolution 62/217. The EU has proposed an "International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities" as a transparency and confidence-building measure. It was only in 2010 that the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee began considering as an agenda item the long-term sustainability of outer space. A Working Group on the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities was established, the objectives of which include identifying areas of concern for the long-term sustainability of outer space activities, proposing measures that could enhance sustainability, and producing voluntary guidelines to reduce risks to long-term sustainability. By this effort "Guidelines on the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities" are being under consideration. In the case of "Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exp1oration and Use of Outer Space" adopted by UNGA Resolution 1962(XVIII), December 13 1963, the 9 principles proclaimed in that Declaration, although all of them incorporated in the Space Treaties, could be regarded as customary international law binding all states considering the time and opinio juris by the responses of the world. Although the soft law such as resolutions, guidelines are not binding law, there are some provisions which have a fundamentally norm-creating character and customary international law. In November 12 1974 UN General Assembly recalled through a Resolution 3232(XXIX) "Review of the role of International Court of Justice" that the development of international law may be reflected, inter alia, by the declarations and resolutions of the General Assembly which may to that extend be taken into consideration by the judgements of the International Court of Justice. We are expecting COPUOS which gave birth 5 Space Treaties that it could give us binding space debris mitigation measures to be implemented based on space debris mitigation soft law in the near future.

Research on Shumi-sen, Built by Baekjae Nohjagong - Excavation of Japanese Stone God Ruins, Centered on Mt. Sumeru Stone - (백제 노자공이 조성한 수미산에 대한 연구 - 일본 석신유적에서 발굴된 수미산석을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Kyu-Wan
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.5
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    • pp.113-121
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    • 2010
  • Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.