• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.35
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• pp.223-247
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• 2007

This paper focused on analyzing the effect against the Chinese Economy of Korea-China FTA and the trend of China-launching FTAs. And then this paper intended to deduce policy implications against the negotiations of Korea-China FTA. The points that Korea should consider in the process of the research and negotiations of Korea-China FTA are as follows: First, it is necessary that Korea should negotiate with China only in terms of the economic sector, excluding non-economic sectors which includes politics, national securities and so on. Second, Korea should put on the lists the every possible sectors that Korea has comparative advantages in. It is essential that the sectors include services in trade, TRIPs, ect. Third, the Korean government should put investment arrangements on the negotiating lists and ask China to afford a special favor to Korean investment In China. Forth, the Korean government should set the level of its tariff, considering the nation's trade deficit that Korea-China FTA will bing about.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.91-110
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• 2020

This paper traces the trajectory of a variety of complicated economic and political developments between China and India - the world's most ancient civilizations connected by rich history. These recent developments, which are heavily acrimonious and include military clashes involving loss of lives, have greatly damaged bilateral relations. The paper examines the reasons behind the bilateral relations dipping to new lows. Aside from specific bilateral disputes like outstanding border problems, China-India relations have been affected by global and regional developments. The paper identifies rising tensions between the U.S. and China, the evolution of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the growth of the Indo-Pacific construct, as the reasons that have expanded distance and mistrust between the two countries. Both China and India are now part of country coalitions aiming to marginalize each other's strategic influences. The paper argues that such efforts by them are going to impact countries in their neighbourhood - such as in Central Asia - by forcing them to make complex choices in the areas of trade engagement and technological development.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

This study focuses on the impact of China's system on the goals and strategies of public diplomacy for its actors and actions. In other words, China, which aims to assimilate the Western political values and systems, is special in setting the goals and strategies pursued through public diplomacy. Therefore, China often uses the historical and cultural agenda that it shares mainly in order to promote public diplomacy in the neighboring countries of Northeast Asia such as Taiwan and Korea, who have different systems. This phenomenon is an important key of explaining the vulnerability of China's public diplomacy in the face of political and security insecurity. Also, because of China's authoritarian politics and national-social relations, China can pursue efficient public diplomacy. On the other hand, however, such phenomenon provides an answer to why China's public diplomacy is not an effective buffer in the face of political and security conflicts with neighboring countries. Based on this framework, this study seeks to find answers to Why is China's public diplomacy not strong enough to ease political and security conflicts with neighboring countries?

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.11-14
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• 2013

Purpose - The objective of this paper is to explain how the Chinese distribution market will continue to bring tremendous business opportunities to commercial enterprises given the relatively strong economic fundamentals and substantial government-led measures for boosting domestic demand. Research design, data, and methodology - The study conducted a survey on China's 2011 retail market data. After empirically analyzing the data on retail sales, online retail markets, and franchises, we believe that online retailing in China will maintain its growth momentum. Results - This study shows that 2012 is expected to be a challenging year for the retail sector, as both external and internal pressures are likely to persist. Some of the major challenges facing retailers in China are mentioned below. Conclusions - Retailers in China face several major challenges. First, the uncertain economic outlook is having a considerable impact on China's retail market. Second, China's retailers face an unfair competition environment. Third, they are suffering the impacts of product safety problems.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.43-78
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• 2022

The arena of strategic competition between the US and China is expandable from international politics, trade and commerce to finance. What would happen if financial sanctions against China are imposed by the US? Would US financial sanctions lead to a sudden outflow of foreign capital and a liquidity crisis in China? We try to address these questions by estimating China's capital flows-at-risk with the CDS premium on Chinese sovereign funds. We follow Gelos et al. (2019) in setting up a quantile regression model from which China's foreign capital flow-at-risks are estimated. Based on our analysis of China's monthly capital flow data, we find that a rise in the CDS premium has statistically significant negative impacts on China's foreign capital flows-at-risk, mainly in banking flows. However, the analysis also found that due to favorable global conditions, an increase in the CDS premium is unlikely to trigger a shift to a sudden outflow of foreign capital at the moment. Meanwhile, this study found no statistically significant correlation between Korea's capital flows-at-risk and the CDS premium, suggesting that the negative impact of US financial sanctions on China would not increase the probability of capital flight from Korea in a significant manner.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.81-88
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• 2020

China, since the early days, according to their ideology, neighboring countries and their citizens were under their sphere of power. This means that only the Hanzu are real native Chinese and the other minor ethics groups are technically immigrants. The People's republic of china, part of the chinese communist party, has had rapid economic growth after Deng Xioping took over and implemented various expansionist policies and reforms, opening china to the world. Internally, the minority ethnic groups were forcibly relocated to specific regions, prohibited from using their native languages, and their culture was absorbed or incorporated into the Hanzu culture in an attempt to internally suppress or erase them. Externally, various projects such as the 'Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project', 'Origins of Chinese Civilization Project', 'Northeast Project', 'Northwest Project', and the 'Southwest Project' were implemented to spread their culture and history to neighboring countries in an attempt to expand their territory. In addition, as capitalism spreads throughout china through reforms and its expansion, it has pioneered the one belt one road aiming to secure as safe transit and raw materials, expand their military facilities, and expand their export market. By doing so, China is infringing on other countries' politics, economy, and borders, and as a result there is a need for Korea to also reexamine its policies in all fields related to china such as politics, economy, history, and culture.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.1-23
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• 2011

China's proposal of the CAFTA (China-ASEAN Free Trade Area) in 2001 prompted a great debate about whether China was a trade competitor of ASEAN, given their similarity in economic development levels and trade/export structures. That Beijing shifted its focus on economic cooperation from the international level to the regional level led to its proposal of the CAFTA. As the Framework Agreement (Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation between China and ASEAN) showed, Beijing's careful consideration for four newer ASEAN members (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) intended not only to help all ASEAN members develop economically, but also to narrow the economic gap existing between them and the six old ASEAN members; in return, China was recognized as a full market economy, which it is not currently recognized within the framework of the WTO. The substantial rise in bilateral trade and the structural changes of the trade in goods between China and ASEAN member nations after 2001 proves that ASEAN benefited more from the CAFTA, particularly when the areas where ASEAN had the comparative advantages were designated as the priority cooperation areas between China and ASEAN. In sum, similarities existing in economic development levels and industrial structures between China and ASEAN made them natural economic competitors. However, closer studies of trade in goods of S1-7, S1-6 and S1-0 reveal that China acted as an increasingly complementary trade partner of ASEAN after 2001.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.13-25
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• 2012

In the wake of the Arab Spring, the Internet's role in aiding dramatic political transformation has come to the fore. Throughout the Middle East, protestors have employed Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and other popular websites to organize and spread news at home and to the outside world. Chinese authorities have been increasingly nervous about the Arab uprisings, and fear that similar events will inspire unrest in China. The new information and communication technologies make it possible for social movements to initiate novel forms of collective actions. The Internet provides new opportunities for political liberalization. In Chinese society, citizens can now participate in politics uninvited. With each passing day, the online community gets stronger. The digital revolution has the potential for broadening democratic principles and could bring democracy to the collective Chinese mind.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group