We are evidently Home Economicus, egoistic rational utility maximiger, and all the capitalism economic situation make us adapt to such life, and recognize that it is rational to act like that. This can be demonstrated in Prisoner′s Dilemma(PD) which always select the non-cooperative choice for free rider in rational selection process of public goods. This paper notice the "what is problem\ulcorner"The problem is not in free rider itself but in free rider egoism. The practical behavior of free rider egoism can be explained by way of Prisoner′s Dilemma. In PD situation, the prisoner makes a rational choice, non-cooperative alternative, but he doesn′arrive at preto-optimality. It is dilemma. Why can′t he arrive \ulcorner Because he is isolated from other prisoner. So we call it prisoner′s dilemma. The PD situation can be compared with our real economic life, which, we think, have kept by rational choice of the public goods. We actually have made our life as an individual one although we organized communities of capitalism. Of course, we know each others as members of same society, but each individual being can′t secure the belief, which has composed basis of community. So, it is very similar and common between PD situation and our real economic life in the production of public goods. We conclude that this non-cooperative process of PD situation can be utilized as instrument of EE. So this non-cooperative process can show us the effectiveness of EE as follows. \circled1 Game situation life PD can be used as good instrument for explaining the rational selection dilemma(error) to Homo-Economicus, the rational agent, with the optimal and rational language. \circled2 We can show that the selection result is dilemma, not arrive pareto - optimality. \circled3 The dilemma can be resolved with accomplishing the good communal life based on the belief, not on the isolation.
In this paper, we tried to find out what is the cinematographic reality conceived by André Bazin. To this end, we examined the process of his long exploration of realism, focusing on his film criticism. Through this, we read his deep concern that the film medium, which is more imitative than any other medium, would not become artistic but rather stimulating mimicry. When photographs or movies first appear, people have been interested in saving money by simply storing scenes in front of them or imitating stimulating scenes before realizing their artistic value. In this way, Bazin warned us that when the cheap pleasure derived from the simple imitation of fact is concatenated with the logic of capitalism, the film falls into a subordinate medium and drops the value of human beings indescribably. He therefore argues that cinema must transcend simple imitative dimensions by exploiting various abstract expressions in its own language. His works about the realism in cinema is meaningful in that the value of true realism of the movie is important to build up humanism today in respect that the movie raises extensively the logic of capitalism through visual pleasure.
This research tried to project hidden and overall side of market economy system of capitalism through desire and fetishism of consumer society. The objective of this research lies in examining desire code of capitalism society through hidden side of consumer society and the reason why modern people are crazy about products, the meaning of product re-creation in tempting modern consumer society, life where all desire is satisfied by products. As a result, we intended to demonstrate that post-industrial society is the one triggered by desire and that society desired in post-industrial society is the very cultural, social study realized to enable modern people to survive in modern society through Martin Parr's pictures.
This study is purposed to discuss attributes and limitations of neo-liberalism and to offer some roles of Christian education corresponding neoliberalism. Neo-liberalism is an econosuperism that entrusts all things to market order, and it regards this market as utopia. It does not remain as just an economical principle, but influences all aspects in human life. Then it shows its religiosity connecting to capitalism. Every human in it is thought of as flexible workforces appropriate to neo-liberalism market. Such being the case neo-liberalsim strenghtens instrumentation in education. Then it distorts freedom and equality, and it weakens traditional values. Because of this, modern people's identity is getting to be lost and their human characters to be floated. This study discusses these things critically, and offers roles of Christian education such as founding a well balanced understanding on the Scripture against this neo-liberalsim market, restoring the essential purpose of education from instrumentation in education, and investigating and applicating a holistic human character on the basis of a Christian anthropology against this new human character of neo-liberalsim.
Female plays an important role in new welfare policies as emerging new social risks including care needs resulted from increasing female employment participation and changes in family structures. Whereas the effects of work and life reconciliation policies on female employment are well established, less is known for the role of production regime as an important institution on gender wage gap. This study examines the questions in what way and to what extent production regimes and work and family reconciliation policies influence gender wage gap in advanced capitalism countries using the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). The coordinated market economies (CMEs), presented as higher firm-specific skills, are associated with lower income rank for female workers than male workers, hence larger degree of gender wage gap. Longer parental leave weeks and higher childcare expenditures are associated with less degree of gender wage gap. This research highlights the importance of production regimes in understanding gender wage gap and potential interaction between production regimes and work and life reconciliation policies on gender wage gap.
As many critics do, this article starts from the premise that Charles Waddell Chesnutt wrote The Conjure Woman with a distinct socio-ethical view to ameliorating white readers' racism. For this purpose of social activism, first, the author uses a racially submissive genre and narrator- antebellum plantation-dialect fiction and an old ex-slave Julius-in order to win the attention of white racists, who constituted the majority of the reading public of postbellum America. Chesnutt then allows this seemingly submissive ex-slave consecutively to wage narrative battles against a Northern white capitalist, John. This fiction's structure is thus based on interracial narrative conflict. Granted, the result of these narrative battles is Julius's defeat. Even though he sometimes has narrative success through his manipulation of either his white female auditor's sentimentalism or the white capitalist's racial prejudice, it does not lead to any fundamental change in the white audience members' awareness: John still regards Julius's tacitly reformoriented tales merely as nonsensical ghost stories invented by the absurd imagination of a subservient, entertaining, and exploitable black coachman. Admitting his defeat, Julius relinquishes his original goal of deterring John's capitalist exploitation of both racial Others and the natural environment of the South and finally decides to serve the economic power of white capitalism. This self-defeating conclusion, however, should not be identified with Chesnutt's failure as an author. Rather, it should be understood as an interim result of the black author's earnest experiment with literary media best suited to his reform project. In fact, this narrative failure reveals Chesnutt's accurate diagnosis of the postbellum literary world: a black voice is still feebly heard and even easily buried by the whites' capitalist ambition and consequently intensifying racism. Conclusively, Julius's narrative failure should be positively evaluated as Chesnutt's one step further in his gradual and lifelong progress to a narrative goopher effectively to engage whites' imagination and sympathy for a vision of equal interracial coexistence.
China, since the early days, according to their ideology, neighboring countries and their citizens were under their sphere of power. This means that only the Hanzu are real native Chinese and the other minor ethics groups are technically immigrants. The People's republic of china, part of the chinese communist party, has had rapid economic growth after Deng Xioping took over and implemented various expansionist policies and reforms, opening china to the world. Internally, the minority ethnic groups were forcibly relocated to specific regions, prohibited from using their native languages, and their culture was absorbed or incorporated into the Hanzu culture in an attempt to internally suppress or erase them. Externally, various projects such as the 'Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project', 'Origins of Chinese Civilization Project', 'Northeast Project', 'Northwest Project', and the 'Southwest Project' were implemented to spread their culture and history to neighboring countries in an attempt to expand their territory. In addition, as capitalism spreads throughout china through reforms and its expansion, it has pioneered the one belt one road aiming to secure as safe transit and raw materials, expand their military facilities, and expand their export market. By doing so, China is infringing on other countries' politics, economy, and borders, and as a result there is a need for Korea to also reexamine its policies in all fields related to china such as politics, economy, history, and culture.
Quite arguably, W. E. B. Du Bois is the first figure in the history of black nationalism who engaged most persistently and systematically with the dominant ideology of racism and white supremacy. It is not too much to say that, by contending with the Eurocentric but taken-for-granted concept of the 'Negro' in the turn of the century, Du bois has laid the theoretical and ideological cornerstone of postcolonialism today. But his concept of race varied over time and was even contradictory in the same writings. The early Du Bois defined race as something historically made rather than biologically given and determined. Yet he didn't utterly deny the significance of physical traits and skin color in constructing racial identity. His notion of the 'Negro' was not unambiguous, either. While drawing on the 'soul' of 'black folk' to undermine the Eurocentric dichotomy of white/mind and black/body, Du Bois argued that there is some kind of 'spiritual' differences between whites and blacks, differences that are essentially inherent and hereditary in the 'Negro.' Such essentialist notion of race and the 'Negro' was on the wane in the later Du Bois, especially after his encounter with Marxism. He came to think of race merely as a discourse of racism that can be subverted and even appropriated for anti-racist practices. Following the Marxist assumption that 'the color line' is a class conflict on the international level, Du Bois contended that the 'Negro' is an outcome of slavery which is in turn a subsystem of Western capitalism. He also argued that, since the 'Negro' is not a biological essence but a sociocultural formation, the identity of the 'Negro' can and must be reconstructed according to historical change. For Du Bois, therefore, the resistance against colonialism and capitalism became a resistance against racism. This is why his Pan-African movement shifted its gear from the American program in the initial phase to a truly 'Afrocentric' and socialist one.
Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
/
v.15
no.3
/
pp.75-88
/
2021
The film won the Golden Palm Award at the Cannes Film Festival, and received the Academy Award for a non-English-speaking film in February 2020, respectively. It has received a monumental evaluation in the world film history. Overall, this film is about class conflict, and critics evaluate the theme of the film as "badly twisted class gap" and "anger from class." The film expresses an intrinsic conflict embodied in culture as a "tragedy in which no bad person appears," rather than the dichotomous composition of the classical class struggle from Marxism. In other words, this can be seen as expressing the substrated class relationship of the modern society that Pierre Bourdieu had argued. This film has been focused as a controversial target under Korea society with excess of ideology. Politics used to adopt the keyword, 'parasite', for political disputes not only in culture contents world. Paradoxically socialism China did not allow to release film 'Parasite.' On the other hand, Lee O-Yong argues that the movie "Parasite" does not look at social phenomena through a dichotomous perspective, but is viewed through a "double perspective" and evaluates that it does not lose eyes looking at humans through tension. This view is based upon 'Vital Capitalism'. Lee. O-Yong looks at the movie "Parasite" from the perspective of "Vital Capitalism". The theory of Vital Capitalism does not seek to find the root of historical development in class struggle conflicts, but rather figuring out history and society pays attention onto the intrinsic characteristics of life, Topophilia, Neophilia, and Biophilia. Lee Eo-ryeong argues that the development of civilization theory evolved from the stage of Hobbes' Darwinism or predatism to the stage of host vs. parasite of Michel Serres, and onto the stage of Margulis's 'Win-Win (inter-dependence)'. In this paper, after overview of vital capital concept and preceeding research, re-interpretations were tried onto scenes based upon fields from habitus, culture capital. This exploration looks for a alternative for excess of ideology in Korea society.
Since the end of the Cold War, debate about the grand struggle between capitalism and communism has been largely replaced by debate about religious sectarianism. Some have even referred to a "clash of civilizations" in the wake of the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. This is in fact an old debate, but it has been given new life by arguments about globalization and economic development as envisioned by the West, and especially by the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. While the political right has had little difficulty treating religious belief as a fundamental human and social interest, much of the political left has remained committed to secular Enlightenment, even when it criticizes the hegemony of the West. The dispute depends upon competing notions of history, secularism, and progress, and ultimately on the possibility or desirability of universal solidarity. While for many a world unified by one religion may no longer make sense, the old Enlightenment dream that a single version of secular and universal reason will eventually prevail over religious difference may also need to be reconsidered. The process that we call secularization is neither as singular, nor as transparent, as we might think.
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