• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.12
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• pp.267-279
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• 2023

The objective of this paper is to examine the legal framework governing the import and export of grain in China, a pivotal factor in shaping policies aimed at stabilizing South Korea's foreign trade and grain imports. Through this analysis, it is observed that China's foreign trade system, governed by the Foreign Trade Act, exhibits a notable absence of clear delineation regarding the scope and responsibility for the delegation of authority to foreign trade management agencies. In contrast, Korea's Foreign Trade Law, along with its enforcement decree and management regulations, explicitly outlines the scope and responsibilities pertaining to the delegation of authority to foreign trade management. However, in the case of China's revised Foreign Trade Law, there exists a lack of precision in specifying the delegation of authority to foreign trade management. This creates a potential for discretionary intervention by local governments or other administrative bodies. While China's legal system concerning grain imports and exports aligns with WTO regulations in its institutional framework, attention is warranted due to the vagueness in laws or regulations, as well as the presence of irrational and non-transparent procedures during system operation. As conclusion remarks, while China's legal structure related to grain imports and exports conforms to WTO guidelines overall, the identified issues such as legal ambiguity and non-transparent procedures underscore the need for caution. To safeguard against potential challenges in future trade interactions with China, proactive measures are crucial to address these concerns.

• Korean Journal of Radiology
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• v.24 no.7
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• pp.647-659
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• 2023

Objective: The study was conducted to investigate the effect of correct occlusion of the left atrial appendage (LAA) on intracardiac blood flow and thrombus formation in patients with atrial fibrillation (AF) using four-dimensional (4D) flow magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and three-dimensional (3D)-printed phantoms. Materials and Methods: Three life-sized 3D-printed left atrium (LA) phantoms, including a pre-occlusion (i.e., before the occlusion procedure) model and correctly and incorrectly occluded post-procedural models, were constructed based on cardiac computed tomography images from an 86-year-old male with long-standing persistent AF. A custom-made closed-loop flow circuit was set up, and pulsatile simulated pulmonary venous flow was delivered by a pump. 4D flow MRI was performed using a 3T scanner, and the images were analyzed using MATLAB-based software (R2020b; Mathworks). Flow metrics associated with blood stasis and thrombogenicity, such as the volume of stasis defined by the velocity threshold ($\left|\vec{V}\right|$ < 3 cm/s), surface-and-time-averaged wall shear stress (WSS), and endothelial cell activation potential (ECAP), were analyzed and compared among the three LA phantom models. Results: Different spatial distributions, orientations, and magnitudes of LA flow were directly visualized within the three LA phantoms using 4D flow MRI. The time-averaged volume and its ratio to the corresponding entire volume of LA flow stasis were consistently reduced in the correctly occluded model (70.82 mL and 39.0%, respectively), followed by the incorrectly occluded (73.17 mL and 39.0%, respectively) and pre-occlusion (79.11 mL and 39.7%, respectively) models. The surfaceand-time-averaged WSS and ECAP were also lowest in the correctly occluded model (0.048 Pa and 4.004 Pa^-1, respectively), followed by the incorrectly occluded (0.059 Pa and 4.792 Pa^-1, respectively) and pre-occlusion (0.072 Pa and 5.861 Pa^-1, respectively) models. Conclusion: These findings suggest that a correctly occluded LAA leads to the greatest reduction in LA flow stasis and thrombogenicity, presenting a tentative procedural goal to maximize clinical benefits in patients with AF.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.128-138
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• 2014

In gated radiation therapy (gRT), due to residual motion, beam delivery is intended to irradiate not only the true extent of disease, but also neighboring normal tissues. It is desired that the delivery covers the true extent (i.e. clinical target volume or CTV) as a minimum, although target moves under dose delivery. The objectives of our study are to validate if the intended dose is surely delivered to the true target in gRT and to quantitatively understand the trend of dose delivery on it and neighboring normal tissues when gating window (GW), motion amplitude (MA), and CTV size changes. To fulfill the objectives, experimental and computational studies have been designed and performed. A custom-made phantom with rectangle- and pyramid-shaped targets (CTVs) on a moving platform was scanned for four-dimensional imaging. Various GWs were selected and image integration was performed to generate targets (internal target volume or ITV) for planning that included the CTVs and internal margins (IM). The planning was done conventionally for the rectangle target and IMRT optimization was done for the pyramid target. Dose evaluation was then performed on a diode array aligned perpendicularly to the gated beams through measurements and computational modeling of dose delivery under motion. This study has quantitatively demonstrated and analytically interpreted the impact of residual motion including penumbral broadening for both targets, perturbed but secured dose coverage on the CTV, and significant doses delivered in the neighboring normal tissues. Dose volume histogram analyses also demonstrated and interpreted the trend of dose coverage: for ITV, it increased as GW or MA decreased or CTV size increased; for IM, it increased as GW or MA decreased; for the neighboring normal tissue, opposite trend to that of IM was observed. This study has provided a clear understanding on the impact of the residual motion and proved that if breathing is reproducible gRT is secure despite discontinuous delivery and target motion. The procedures and computational model can be used for commissioning, routine quality assurance, and patient-specific validation of gRT. More work needs to be done for patient-specific dose reconstruction on CT images.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.81-97
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.10-24
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• 1979

It is understood that drum speed of threshers and the moisture content of paddy grains to be threshed, respectively, have a signific:mt effect upon rice recoveries. Threshing under an increased drum speed would give a high performance rate, which is the general practice in custom work threshing in association with the use of semiauto-t hreshers. In the connection, however, it may result in the promotion of grain cracks and brokens of the rice product after milling. No reference or determination for an opti mum drum speed of the thresher is made available for various grain moisture contents at the time of the threshing operation and for different rice varieties especially for the Tongil rice varieties. This study was Conducted to find out and determine effects of the drum speeds on grain losses. The grain loss was quantified in terms of recovery rates of rice grains after treatments. Samples of each of all treatments were taken from the grain sampling plate placed in the grain conveyor of threshers. The grain sample plate was specially provided for this experiment. The brown-rice, milling, and head-rice recJveries were tes ted in the laboratory mill, respectively. Two rice varieties, Akibare and Suweon 251, each with five levels of different moist\ulcornerure contents at harvest and six levels of different drum speeds of threshers, were selected and used for treatments in this experiment. Two conditions of materials were tested in the thresher. One condition was to thresh the experimental material immediately after cutting, referred to as the wet-material thr eshing in this study. The other was to thresh the experimental :material, dried to contain about 15-16 percent of the grain moisture under the shocking operation. This is referred to as the dry-material threshing in this study. In additioon, field measurements for the grain moistures and drum-sdeeds under actual operation practices of the traditional field threshing, were conducted with a view to comparing with results of the experimental treatments. The results of the study may be summarized as follows: 1. For threshing treatments of Japonica-type rice variety (Akibare) , the effect of drum speeds and levels of grain moisture at cutting upon brown-rice, milling, and head-rice recoveries were found statistically significant. No significant difference in these recovery rates was noticed regardless of whether the material was threshed right after cutting or after drying by the shocking operation. 2. For the Tongil-sister rice variety(Suweon 251), milling recovery for the varied drum-speed and the grain~moisture level at cutting was found statististically significant. Th milling recovery was much significant when associated with the wet-material thres\ulcornerhing compared to the dry-material threshing. 3. The optimum peripheral velocity to be maintained at the edge of teeth on the thr\ulcorneresher drum was determined and may be recommanded as that of about 12 to 13 meters per second in view of the maximum recovery rate of the milled rice. 4. The effect of the drum speed on the qualitative loss of the milled rice was much greater in the case of the Tongil variety than Japonica. This effect was also greater by the wet-material threshing than by the dry-material threshing. Therefore, to apply the wet-material threshing operation for the Tongil variety, in particular, it should be very important to introduce the kind of threshing technology which would maintain the drum speed at optimum. 5. A field survey for the actual drum speed of threshing operations for 50 threshers indicated that average peripheral velccity was 12.76m/sec., and that the range was from 10.50 to 14.90m/sec. Approximately, more than 30% of the experimented and measured threshers were being operated at speeds which exceeded the optimum speed determined and assessed in this study. Accordingly, it should be highly desirable and important to take counter-measures against these threshing practices of operational overspeed.

• Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.9-9
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• 1979

It is understood that drum speed of threshers and the moisture content of paddy grains to be threshed, respectively, have a signific:mt effect upon rice recoveries. Threshing under an increased drum speed would give a high performance rate, which is the general practice in custom work threshing in association with the use of semiauto-t hreshers. In the connection, however, it may result in the promotion of grain cracks and brokens of the rice product after milling. No reference or determination for an opti mum drum speed of the thresher is made available for various grain moisture contents at the time of the threshing operation and for different rice varieties especially for the Tongil rice varieties. This study was Conducted to find out and determine effects of the drum speeds on grain losses. The grain loss was quantified in terms of recovery rates of rice grains after treatments. Samples of each of all treatments were taken from the grain sampling plate placed in the grain conveyor of threshers. The grain sample plate was specially provided for this experiment. The brown-rice, milling, and head-rice recJveries were tes ted in the laboratory mill, respectively. Two rice varieties, Akibare and Suweon 251, each with five levels of different moist?ure contents at harvest and six levels of different drum speeds of threshers, were selected and used for treatments in this experiment. Two conditions of materials were tested in the thresher. One condition was to thresh the experimental material immediately after cutting, referred to as the wet-material thr eshing in this study. The other was to thresh the experimental :material, dried to contain about 15-16 percent of the grain moisture under the shocking operation. This is referred to as the dry-material threshing in this study. In additioon, field measurements for the grain moistures and drum-sdeeds under actual operation practices of the traditional field threshing, were conducted with a view to comparing with results of the experimental treatments. The results of the study may be summarized as follows: 1. For threshing treatments of Japonica-type rice variety (Akibare) , the effect of drum speeds and levels of grain moisture at cutting upon brown-rice, milling, and head-rice recoveries were found statistically significant. No significant difference in these recovery rates was noticed regardless of whether the material was threshed right after cutting or after drying by the shocking operation. 2. For the Tongil-sister rice variety(Suweon 251), milling recovery for the varied drum-speed and the grain~moisture level at cutting was found statististically significant. Th milling recovery was much significant when associated with the wet-material thres?hing compared to the dry-material threshing. 3. The optimum peripheral velocity to be maintained at the edge of teeth on the thr?esher drum was determined and may be recommanded as that of about 12 to 13 meters per second in view of the maximum recovery rate of the milled rice. 4. The effect of the drum speed on the qualitative loss of the milled rice was much greater in the case of the Tongil variety than Japonica. This effect was also greater by the wet-material threshing than by the dry-material threshing. Therefore, to apply the wet-material threshing operation for the Tongil variety, in particular, it should be very important to introduce the kind of threshing technology which would maintain the drum speed at optimum. 5. A field survey for the actual drum speed of threshing operations for 50 threshers indicated that average peripheral velccity was 12.76m/sec., and that the range was from 10.50 to 14.90m/sec. Approximately, more than 30% of the experimented and measured threshers were being operated at speeds which exceeded the optimum speed determined and assessed in this study. Accordingly, it should be highly desirable and important to take counter-measures against these threshing practices of operational overspeed.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.2215-2224
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• 2013

This study performed empirical analysis to estimate SMEs needs in terms of business support policy by growth stages(start-up growth expansion). The subject is the SMEs in Cheonan and Asan, ChungNam and the results are as follows. First, In the initial start-up stage, management plays a key role in dealing with money, labor force, markets and technology while running the organization is a key role of the management in the expansion stage. Major policies to help SMEs grow includes money provision needed in the start-up stage, domestic marketing assistance and the provision of human resources in the growth stage, and assistance in foreign marketing and R&D in the expansion stage. Second, To achieve markets businesses aim at entering the existing and niche markets in the initial phase, and creating new markets in the growth phase. Third, Labor force for technology, sales and management planning in the start-up stage, marketing in the growth stage, and labor force for production in the expansion stage are core man- power needed. Fourth, Money for technology development, securing land for factories, organizing man power, securing markets and running the company is needed in the initial and growth stages while fund for facility investment is needed to grow in the expansion stage. Five, Regarding technology, the initial stage needs technology related to new product development, renewing existing products, improving the existing manufacturing process or developing new manufacturing process, while the growth stage needs processing techniques, and the expansion stage needs technology for developing new manufacturing process. Sixth, Making supply contracts with conglomerates, SMEs and public institutions, and sales to foreign markets are ways for SMEs to grow sales. Seventh, What SMEs wish to get includes business incubating support, R&D assistance, information exchanges, practical use of the R&D results, merchandising support, help with the land to build factories and custom-made support for management in the foundation stage while the support they want to get in the growth stage and in the expansion stage is training assistance and trial production respectively.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.15-42
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• 1991

A nation's culture isn't consisted by the characteristics of the nation only, but it is greatly affected by the geographical features and natural conditions, and it could be also dominated by the continual effect through mutual contact on economic exchange or social problem and political interests with neighboring countries. It is a well known fact that the contact of culture between Korea and Mongolia established under the special political situation that Corea was invaded by Won. But more basically, the Nomad including Mongolia had influenced upon neighboring countries, therefore, our country was also greatly influenced on consisting of our own culture by them. Moreover. the fact that our language belongs to their language's category(mostly Tweigru and Mongolian language) proves that the origin of our culture was deeply related with Mongolia. Accordingly, we could not limit the cultural relation between Korea and Mongolia within a special era. But especially, since unification of China by Mongolia, Won which appeared as a new great nation had dominated Corea for one hundred years, and the Corea's costume culture had a point of conversion to the mongolian. Therefore, this study expects to comment upon the relations of costume between Corea and Mongolia from a view point of Corea's tribute and royal gifts gifts by Mongolia written on the reference literatures. 1) From the ancient times, between our country and Mongolia there has been a direct or indirect exchange caused by the people's movement or invasion due to very closed neighboring. The relations between Corea and Mongolia have started from the mongolia's requests of tribute for the reason why they helped Corea against the Keoran's invasion, and these relation had continued by King Kongmin's age. 2) Mongolia had plundered a tribute such as dress, cereals, horses, military supplies, soldiers, maiden and little girls etc. from Corea, and therefore, a great confusion occurred on political, economic and social fields. And since King Chungyoul of Corea got married with a Princess of Won, the Corea's position was placed as the Buma nation(nation of son in law) and then high class people of Corea preferred to follow the mongolian costume such as Byunbal (pigtail), Ho dress (mongolian dress), Rouges, Chockturi (a kind of formal cap) and Doturak pigtail ribbon, and some have been applied up to date. On the other hand, the custom of Corea had transmitted to the Mongolian nobility, they called it "Corea Yang(style)". 3) The costume of Corea could be divided into three different periods, the first is the period influenced by Tang and Song's regime, the second is affected by the Won's costume and the third is applying the Myung's regime in the end of Corea. The Mongolian dress was based on the Ho dress form and it has been developed through compounding artistic traditional fields and foreign customs in long history. And Mongolia is composed of various tribes, therefore, they have their own dress for each tribe. Our country and Mongolia had a similar dress form based on Ho dress and both used the Chacksukunggo (jacket with small sleeves and slacks) and Seon(line). And the ornaments of costume such as Chockturi, Doturak pigtail ribbon and Rouges had transmitted and fixed down as a traditional wedding garment, but the Rouges has been used by noble women from the ancient times in our country. Since a member of the Society of Korean Costume has visited Mongolia in August 1990 for the first time, I really recognized the neccesity of more detailed study on the costume relation between Korea and Mongolia, and I will proceed with the study on various fields of costume under cooperation of Institute of Oriental Academy of Mongolia.