• Title/Summary/Keyword: COUP

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Analysis of Greenhouse Gas Emission Models and Evaluation of Their Application on Agricultural Lands in Korea (토양 온실가스 배출 예측 모델 분석 및 국내 농경지 적용성 평가)

  • Hwang, Wonjae;Park, Minseok;Kim, Yong-Seong;Cho, Kijong;Lee, Woo-Kyun;Hyun, Seunghun
    • Ecology and Resilient Infrastructure
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    • v.2 no.2
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    • pp.185-190
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    • 2015
  • Greenhouse gas (GHG) emission from agricultural lands is recognized as one of important factors of global warming. The objective of this short communication was to evaluate the applicability of different soil GHG emission prediction models on agricultural systems in Korea. Four models, namely, DNDC, DAYCENT, EXPERT-N and COUP, were selected and the basic structure (e.g., components and sub-model), input variables, and output variables were compared. In particular, the availability and compilation of essential input variables were assessed. Major input variables needed for operating these predictive models were found to be available through database systems established by national organizations such as the Korea Meteorological Administration, the Korean Soil Information System, and the Rural Development Administration. However, in order to apply these models in Korea, it was necessary to calibrate and validate each of the models for the domestic landscape settings and climate conditions. In addition, field data of long-term monitoring of GHG emission from agricultural lands are limited and therefore should be measured.

The Citizen Plaza Design around the 1st Korean Postal Building, 'Woojeongchongkuk' (우정총국주변 시민광장 설계)

  • 김성균
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.67-74
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    • 2001
  • This paper presents a landscape design for the citizen plaza around the ˝Woojeongchongkuk˝(the 1st Korean postal building) where the ˝Gapsinjeongbyeon˝(1844 coup d´etat) occurred and which was once used as the ˝Jeoneoigam˝(a palace hospital). The site is located in 39 Kyeonji-dong, Jongno-gu, Seoul, and of which area is about 2,013$m^2$. The landscape design goals are to build traditional spaces which fit the traditional buildings and where people feel the old atmosphere; to build interesting spaces where people can learn the post and telegraphic history; and to build nature-friendly green rest spaces in the city. To achieve these goals, symbolic, traditional, educational, historical, and environmentally-friendly concepts are developed. With this concept the space is divided into two axis of the pst and telegraph of Korea. Along the two axis the Postage Stamp ˝Madang˝(yard), the Letter Garden, the Telegraphic ˝Ddeul˝(garden), the Communication Plaza, and the ˝Jeoneoigam˝(old palace hospital) and the ˝Gapsinjeongbyeon˝(1884 coup d´etat) Memorial Place are arranged. The Postal Stamp Madang which symbolizes the first Korean postage stamp is a space for studying history and evolution of stamps in Korea. The Letter Garden which symbolizes and formalizes a letter paper is composed with white bamboo trees which are planted linearly and long granite benches on which famous letters are carved. In the Telegraphic Ddeul which symbolizes the telegraph, the history of the telegraphic instrument and the telephone is exhibited. In the Communication Plaze which symbolizes future post and telegraph service extending to the world, the images of satellite communication, internet, webmail etc. are exhibited. The Jeoneoigan, and the Gapsinjeongbyeon Memorial Place is for memorializing the historic place and events. Throughout the whole place, various models and ceramic picture tiles about the post and telegraph and exhibited for effective education. In conclusion, sustainable management schemes for the site are suggested.

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National Revolution vs. Civil Revolution: The Comparison between Thailand and Myanmar (민족혁명과 시민혁명: 타이와 미얀마)

  • Park, Eunhong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.24 no.2
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    • pp.127-165
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    • 2014
  • This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

Frequency Characteristics of a Membrane Duct (박막형 소음기의 주파수 특성)

  • 최성훈;김양한
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society for Noise and Vibration Engineering Conference
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    • 2001.05a
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    • pp.420-425
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    • 2001
  • Theoretical analysis of noise reduction by a membrane-duct system is presented. When acorn waves propagate in the membrane-duct, the membrane is also excited and its motion is coup with interior medium. It has been shown that propagating waves with supersonic wave speed exist beyond a certain critical frequency that is determined from the mass ratio of the me and the fluid. Also found are subsonic waves which couple strongly wi th the membrane a provide a powerful mechanism of energy dissipation. Existence of an exterior medium alter dispersion characteristics. It provides additional mass loading and reduces the subsort speed further. The effect of mean flow speed on dispersion characteristics is also consider results show that the membrane-duct system can be applied to diminish and absorb 1 frequency noise in duct instead of passive muffler, such as a simple expansion chamber absorption material.

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The Characteristics of 'Vow by Five Meritorious Subjects' (오공신회맹문기의 성격)

  • Shim Woo-Choon
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.29
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    • pp.45-62
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    • 1995
  • 'Vow by Five Meritorious Subjects' was drawn up in November 14 of the second year of King Sejo's reign. The document was a pledge taken by King Sejo's son, Prince Chang, and the King's five meritorious officers in charge of national foundation (개국공신), affairs(정사공신), national defense(좌명공신), national security(정난공신), national building(좌익공신), and their offsprings in an attempt to consolidate their political power and to eliminate the opposition after having forged their coup as if King Tanjong abdicated his throne in favor of King Sejo. The signatories to this document numbered 137 persons whereas non-signatories were 83. It appears that those 83 non-signitorious were unabled to sign the vow for they were not present at the signing ceremony which followed the drafting of the document because all of them had, later on, been promoted to advice King Sejo.

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Determination of the Structure for Polysubstituted Flavonoid and 6-C-Glucosyl Flavonoids using $^{13}C-^{1}H$ Long Range Couplings

  • Lee, Min-Won
    • Archives of Pharmacal Research
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    • v.17 no.6
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    • pp.487-489
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    • 1994
  • A flavone glycoside was isolated from the leaves of Betula platyphylla var. latifolia and characterized as $4, 6-Dimethoxy-5-hydroxyflavone-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucoside(pectolinarigenin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucopy-ranoside)$ by method of chemical and NMR spectral analysis. $^13C-^1H$ long range coupling was confirmative for determination of its substituted position. In connection with this study, 6-C-Glucosylnalingenin and 6-C-Glucosylaromadendrin were confirmed its structures using this technique.

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A surgical approach to linear scleroderma using Medpor and dermal fat graft

  • Kim, Keun Tae;Sun, Hook;Chung, Eui Han
    • Archives of Craniofacial Surgery
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.112-115
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    • 2019
  • Linear scleroderma en coup de sabre (LScs) is a variant of localized scleroderma. This disease typically occurs in patients in their 20s or younger individuals and predominantly occurs in the forehead area. A 26-year-old man with linear scleroderma was surgically treated at our center with Medpor (porous polyethylene) and dermal fat graft for the forehead lesion. After 26 months of postoperative follow-up, the depressed lesion that appeared scarred as well as the margins improved significantly. The surgical treatment of LScs using Medpor and dermal fat graft is an effective treatment modality that can increase patient satisfaction.

Afghanistan: Elite Tensions, Peace Negotiations, and the COVID Crisis

  • MALEY, WILLIAM
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • v.5 no.2
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2020
  • Afghanistan has experienced more than four decades of severe disruption, ever since the communist coup of April 1978 plunged the country into a state of disorder that was then severely aggravated by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Despite the high hopes that accompanied the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001, Afghanistan's path in the first two decades of the 21st century has proved to be anything but smooth, and this article highlights a confluence of challenges - political, diplomatic, and societal - that Afghanistan presently faces, challenges that in large measure account for the profound uncertainty that clouds its future. The article is divided into four sections. The first provides some context for the discussion of these three challenges. The remaining sections investigate the particular challenges - intra-elite rivalries, a fragile and defective peace process, and the underreported but grave threat to life and limb in Afghanistan resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic - in more detail. Together, these challenges highlight the dangers of wishful thinking about harsh realities.

Modern Form of Absolute Monarchy and Lèse-Majesté Law: Thai Political Regime Reconsidered (근대적 절대군주제와 국왕모독죄: 타이 정치체제 재검토)

  • PARK, Eun Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.53-94
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    • 2017
  • Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

A study on a reconstruction of Gwanghwamun and fluctuation of boulevard in front of Gwanghwamun (1960년대 광화문 중건과 광화문 앞길의 변화)

  • Kang, Nan-hyoung;Song, In-Ho
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.7-18
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    • 2015
  • Gwanghwamun was dismantled and displaced to the east side of the palace, at that time, the Chosun Government General Building was constructed in the Gyeongbokgung palace. After the Korea war, it remained as a stonework as a result of the fire. In 1968, The Gwanghwamun came back in front of the palace. Then, why it was rebuilt in the 3rd Republic period? What was the reason for selecting concrete? Since the May 16 coup, the military regime had been utilized palace and surrounding urban space to show a visible practice of modernization. Attempting the combination of modern technology in the 1960s and traditional cultural property and reconstructing a city as a pretext called Cultural Heritage conservation was a typical mechanism of the 1960s. In this study, I start by assume that reconstructing Gwanghwamun(1968) was a part of project to change the surrounding urban space of Gwanghwamun than to preserve cultural assets. Two main contributions of the study are following. First, I collect availabe data on the reconstructing surrounding urban space of the Gwanghwamun and re-organize them in chronological order to make them as fragments of a map. Second, I analysis and identify the nature and phase of the Gwanghwamun reconstruction.