• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.143-148
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• 2020

Objectives: We calculated life expectancy and inequalities therein by income for the period of 2016-2018 across the 253 electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election in Korea. Methods: We obtained population and death data between 2016 and 2018 from the National Health Information Database and constructed abridged life tables using standard life table procedures according to gender and income quintiles for the electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election held in 2016. Results: Life expectancy across the 253 constituencies ranged from 80.51 years to 87.05 years, corresponding to a gap of 6.54 years. The life expectancy difference by income across the 253 constituencies ranged from 2.94 years to 10.67 years. In each province, the difference in life expectancy by income across electoral constituencies was generally greater than the inter-constituency differences. Constituencies in capital and metropolitan areas showed a higher life expectancy and a lower life expectancy difference by income than constituencies in rural areas. Conclusions: Pro-rich inequalities in life expectancy by income existed in every electoral constituency in Korea. Both intra-constituency and inter-constituency socioeconomic inequalities in health should be highlighted in future policy-making in the National Assembly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.83-120
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• 2018

For Singapore, 2017 was an uneasy year. The presidential election was fraught with controversy since the revised Presidential Election Act allowed only one candidate to be eligible for the election. The bitter feud between Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his siblings shocked many Singaporeans. Succession planning for the next top leadership is still veiled in obscurity. The anti-globalization trend and the increasing pressure to raise the tax have become major challenges for Singapore's economy to overcome. China's continuous diplomatic pressure has called into the question Singapore's pragmatic foreign policy. Although its relations with China were back to normal, Singapore, the ASEAN chair in 2018, is still facing intractable problems in safeguarding ASEAN centrality in the growing US-China rivalry. In the meantime, Singapore has pursued its diversity and equality, heading toward a more matured multi-racial and multi-cultural society in 2017. The first female president, Halimah Yacob, served as a symbolic epitome of Singapore's emphasis on diversity and harmony among different ethnic groups and minorities. This great milestone, however, has largely been questioned by Singaporeans, as it seemed to be a political gesture that only utilized Halimah's double minority in the level of ideologies. The election of the Malay president has led Singaporeans to think about the real equity and equality among minorities, while strongly motivated to move toward a more inclusive society. In 2018, Singaporean leaders will try to resolve many challenging problems by reaffirming leadership succession planning, which is expected to lead Singapore to pursue a more integrated society.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.35-67
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• 2019

This study aims to analyze and evaluate the outcomes of the far-right parties in the 2019 European Parliament (hereinafter EP) elections. To this end, this study refrains from the conventional method of analyzing the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP. Instead, the study takes a method based on the party family classification by summing up the number of the EP members who have been elected to the far-right party within individual member states. There are two reasons for the analysis of EP election results based on this far-right party family. Firstly, some of the far-right members of the EP do not join the political group(s) classified as far-right, and secondly, some of the political group(s) classified as far-right tends to be inhomogeneous. In this vein, this study attempts to analyze the outcomes of the far-right party in the 2019 EP elections based on the classification of the far-right party family. As a result, this study shows that the assessment of the European major press based on the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP was inconsistent with the actual political landscape. According to the analysis of election results based on the classification of the far-right party family, the number of seats secured by the far-right parties in the 2019 EP elections corresponded to or significantly exceeded the results of previous polls. In addition, this is a significant increase in the seats of the far-right parties compared to the 2014 EP elections, and it is reasonable to affirm that the far-right parties have made great strides in the 2019 EP elections.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.37-60
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• 2001

This study attempted to demonstrate the interaction effects between attitudinal frames of nine daily newspapers and community structure in the 1994s Michigan gubernatorial election. It was theoretically guided by framing research and the self-presentation theory of social-cognition perspective and empirically tested with archival data. For the purpose of this study, content analysis of nine statewide daily newspapers was employed in order to provide data on news framing. Data on voting rates for John Engler, winner of the 1994 Michigan Gubernatorial election, in each county of Michigan were used for vote choice while Michigan census data were used for constructing an Index of community structural differentiation. The results indicated that majority compliance frames were slightly more related with vote choice in homogeneous com-unities rather than were majority compliance frames in heterogeneous communities while social identification frames tended to have an influence on vote choice in heterogeneous communities more than did social identification frames in homogeneous communities.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.30-39
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• 2018

This study was conducted with the aim of presenting a strategic implication for effective political campaign in the election situation which is held almost every year including the early presidential election. For this purpose, the $2{\times}2{\times}2$ triad experiment design of framing, involvement, political efficacy. The result shows that the main effect of framing and political efficacy was found, but the main effect of involvement was not shown. And also a result of two-way ANOVA, the interaction between framing and involvement was significant, but the interaction effect between framing and political efficacy was not significant. In addition, the three-way interaction effects of framing, involvement, and political efficacy were also significant. This study suggests that prospect theory is not often used to test the effects of political campaign messages and suggests new perspectives on political campaign strategies by introducing the prospect theory into election campaign message research.

• The KIPS Transactions:PartC
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• v.11C no.6 s.95
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• pp.829-834
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• 2004

Nodes communicate through wireless channels under peer-to-peer level in ad-hoc mobile networks. The nodes are free to move around in a geographical area and are loose]y bounded by the transmission range of the wireless channels. Also, a node is completely free to move around, there is no fixed final topology. Hence, to manage the inter-node communication and data exchange among them a leader node is required. In this paper we introduce an efficient leader election algorithm for mobile ad hoc networks where inter-node communication is allowed only among the neighboring nodes. Furthermore we present the result of performance evaluation through simulation. The algorithm is efficient and practical since it uses least amount of wireless resources and does not affect the movement of the nodes.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.301-316
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• 2020

Algorithm journalism refers to the practices of automated news generation using algorithms that generate human sounding narratives. Algorithm journalism is known to have strengths in automating repetitive tasks through rapid and accurate analysis of data, and has been actively used in news domains such as sports and finance. In this paper, we propose an interactive card news system that generates personalized local election articles in 2018. The system consists of modules that collects and analyzes election data, generates texts and images, and allows users to specify their interests in the local elections. When a user selects interested regions, election types, candidate names, and political parties, the system generates card news according to their interest. In the study, we examined how personalized card news are evaluated in comparison with text and card news articles by human journalists, and derived implications on the potential use of algorithm in reporting political events.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.1-10
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• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.