• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.65-84
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• 2008

It is generally known that the temple structure in Korea was formalized by the ceremonial principle based on the Buddhist cosmology. But, there have been no concrete studies on how far the two have relationship with each other and what significance it implies in it. In other words, even though the temple structure reflects the Sumeru Mount cosmology which is the Buddhist cosmology, there is still uncertain aspects in the relationship between them. This research is a more concrete approach on what kind of corelation the Sumeru Mount cosmology has with the Korean temple structure. For this, the levels of related documents on the Buddhist cosmology and the Sumeru Mount cosmology have been arranged first. Then, on this basis, it is searched with what symbolism the cosmology has been accepted in the temple structure. The temple is a sacred space that holds Buddha and a profane space which the sattva (ordinary people) can approach at the same time. The site of the temple is also a land that is connected to the residence of sattva and a blissful area of prayer that they can be born again through Buddha at the same time. Thus, the double characteristics of sanctity and profanity are finally inter-connected with each other in the view point of Jinsokburi(Truth and Worldliness are not different), and the temple structure reflects this significance through the symbolism very well. Therefore, the correct recognition on the temple structure can be said as an important aspect to understand the purpose of Buddhism.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.81-100
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• 2009

The study on Buddhism architecture in early Joseon dynasty was inactive. The period of King Sejo is important for studying the trend of Buddhism architecture in early Joseon, that was transmitted from the end of Goryeo dynasty, but it was difficult to know its exact situation due to lack of related records. The records were all written by Kim Su-ohn, which are Wongaksabi' 'Sangwonsajungchanggi' 'Bongseonsagi 'Geonginsajungchanggi'. The main hall was mainly second floor and there were necessarily annexed buildings at the right and left of the main hall. So the plane figure of $\Box\Box\Box$ was shown. It was a main stream for main hall. This layout may be referred to search for the origin of the layout in courtyard based structure(中庭形) in the late Joseon dynasty. Most of temples had 3 gates. Some part of horizontal corridor was used as 2 gates and the outer gate, far from main hall, was without corridor. The gate leading to front yard of main hall was called front gate, the next middle gate and the outer gate was Oisamun(外沙門) or Samun(沙門). Im most of the temples, people could enter into the front yard through pavilion which had the function of bell tower. The pavilions were located between front gate and first corridor. It is thought that this layout of the place for making bean curd outside the temple area will contribute to different studies on temples making bean cure in the future. The records about temples's foundation studied above are a little different between temples, but have more similarities. There common denominators represent the architecture tendency of Buddhist temples in the related period. It is thought that such a tendency was also shown on architecture of other temples during the reign of King Sejo as well as Buddhist temples.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.137-152
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• 2007

The purpose of this article is making investigation of the principal composition of the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple through ornaments of a case preserving relics of Buddha in the east and west pagodas of Gameunsa temple. This research has an important meaning in clarifying that the concept of placement two Buddhas together with lotus sutra, which was only applied to Bulkuksa temple, has been extended to Gameunsa temple. And this observation gave us a clear explanation for the principal composition at the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple plans. The author obtained the following conclusion from this article : The cases preserving relics of the Buddha for the west and east pagodas are globally in similar form as the type of a royal palace. But the different points between eastern and western can be seen on the existence of Buddhist statues on the base floor, set-up of the gate at railings, and 4 lion statues at a coner of the base floor. In the western pagoda, there are Buddha statues above the base-floor of the cases preserving relics. These Buddha statues are composed of a boy monks and angels with playing music for the praise of the Sakyamuni Buddha lecturing the Lotus sutra at YoungChui Mountain. On the other hand, in the eastern pagoda, Buddha statues on the cases preserving relics are composed of a the Four Devas and monks as a defending God of the nation of Buddha. In the eastern pagoda, one can see something that does not exist in the western pagoda, which is a gate located in railing of a case preserving the relics. This gate described the scene of the Sakyamuni Buddha entering into the pagoda of 7 treasures. In a corner of the case preserving relics in the eastern pagoda, there is another thing which does not exist in the western pagoda. This is a sculpture of a lion which symbols the seat of Lion supporting the Buddha in the Dabotap(the pagoda of 7 treasures). When we observe the form and structure, the descriptions at the railings, the gate, the shrine, the statue of a lion, and the accessories in jewelries, at the cases preserving the relics in the eastern pagoda, one can realize that they have the same combination structures between the ones at Dabotaps in Bulguksa temple and those in China as well as in Japan, all of which represent the Gyun-Bo-Tap-Pum of Lotus Sutra. Among the distribution rules in the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple, the application of the ideal of lotus was known to be effected only to Bulguksa temple. But from the result of the present article, it is more clearly proved by applying the Gameunsa temple that the distribution theory in the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple was in fact based on the ideal of lotus.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.256-273
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• 2000

This thesis attempts to investigate the design of the bracket sets(eave-supporters) of Dapo-style architecture(multiple-bracket architecture) in order to discover the change and the characteristic of the Yon-Hwa-Hyong bracket sets. The external shape of eave-supporters has been evolved as following order: Kyo-Du-Hyong, Soe-Seo-Hyong, Cho-Gak-Soe-Seo-Hyong, and Yon-Hwa-Soe-Seo-Hyong. The internal shape has been developed as following order: Kyo-Du-Hyong. Cho-Gak-Hyong and Yon-Hwa-Hyong. Kyo-Du-Hyong represents the 17th century style and Yon-Hwa-Hyong has been used since the mid 18th century. Cho-Gak-Hyong signifies the transformation in the structural and designing role of column section and middle section and there appears a unified aspect in Yon-Hwa-Hyong. The transformation from Kyo-Du-Hyong towards Yon-Hwa-Hyong suggests that this is an intention of symbolizing the Buddhist teachings inside and outside of the eave-supporters. The purpose of this change establishes the Buddhist land.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.67-105
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• 2014

This study focuses on the iconography of Hindu deities in Bagan period. As a country in Southeast Asia, Myanmar received her culture from Indianized culture. As aforesaid, sailors, traders, and settlers brought with them Brahmanism and Buddhism into Myanmar. A possibility is that local chiefs or the rulers invited Brahmans to conduct coronations, weddings, and burials in Brahmanical rites as they will much impressed by the Brahmanical thoughts and beliefs. Accordingly, Brahmanic icons as objects of worship are found quite in number of places, especially in Thaton, Bago, Vesali, Sriksetra, Bagan and Kawgoon. Apart from Buddhist iconography, the Brahmanic icons of various sects can be found in Bagan. Brahmanic deities are illustrated with Buddhist painting, which is a characteristic of Baganreligious iconography. Most of the scenes on Hinduism are to be found in NatlaungKyaung, Nanpaya and Shwesandaw Pagoda. Myanmar people, however, knowingly or unknowingly ignore some features of Indian deitiesand eventually the iconsare found in various places in Bagan.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This study on Mahāsammata Model of Kingship in Mrauk U Period from the 15^th to 18^th centuries attempts to demonstrate how the kings of Mrauk U or royal officials tried to claim this legitimating model of kingship and how they accepted this model of kingship and under what conditions the legitimate order of this model was lost. Vital to the adaptation of Mahāsammata model of kingship in the Mrauk U period is the claim that Mrauk U's rulers were direct lineal descendants of the first Buddhist king of the world, Mahāsammata and thence the clan of Gotama Buddha, Sākiya clan. This ideological model of kingship has a recognizable effect on the political stability of Mrauk U kingdom. While the Mahāsammata model of kingship performed as a belief of legitimizing kingship within the arena of royal court, the kings of Mrauk U tried to perform the related models of Mahāsammata, the ideal models of Buddhist kingship as dhammarāja and a cakkavatti. However, the conditions that fail to maintain the Mahāsammata model of kingship saw the weakening of the other related models of kingship, which eventually led to the decline of the kingdom.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

The present study aims at exploring in detail the Buddhist worldview and aesthetics of humor in Jo O-hyeon's literary works. This includes the same context as an elucidation of the ways in which his poems closely correspond in expressive forms and thematic contents. It is because, in Jo's literary world, where short poems and prose poems form a contrast, the expressive forms and thematic contents sharply differ depending on the ways in which prajnapti (provisional designation) is either foregrounded or backgrounded. In his literary world, when such a view of language and a worldview based on prajnapti are foregrounded, works that either inherit or play a variation on the fixed structure of the sijo emerge; and when they recede to the rear and are backgrounded, verses in the form of the prose poem are formulated. In addition, in Jo's literary works, where such a worldview of prajnapti and an aesthetics of secular humor intersect together, the thoughts on bheda-abheda(difference-non-difference) and the madhyama-pratipad (middle way) are formed. Such thoughts have considerable significance because they not only harbor a possibility of deconstructing and overcoming the opposition of the sacred/profane but also present a vision of a new unity.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.33
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• pp.287-307
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• 2013

One cat caused a big wave in Russian literature. This cat revived the heroine of Russian classics. Her light breath was scattered in the world, in the cloudy sky and in the cold spring wind about one hundred years ago. And the cat gave an opportunity of turning to Russian classics to Russian readers. Thanks to this cat, a Russian dreamer changed his typical thinking, as well as many ordinary readers start to read works of creator of this wonderful cat. Pelevin accomplished these works with one cat, which he has made. Of course "Nika" is not only caused to make readers to return to Russian classics. I think, the cat and "Nika" are the symbols of writer's purpose in Russian literature. In this study the understanding of "Nika" is following the steps of realization of writer's purpose. In the second chapter it is analyzed to the textual relationship between "Nika" and "Light breath". Apart from existing analyses to be emphasized the succession of thematic aspect of two works as well. Existence of observers to each heroine stress this succession of thematic aspect of two works. In the third chapter it is analyzed the use of technique of mystification in "Nika". This intentional use of mystification has been demanded to read a "Nika" from another point of view(internal speculation of hero-narrator). The purpose of writer was to expose the cognitive error of a human being. I think this purpose was effectively explained by Pelevin's Buddhist world view which was introduced in his several works.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 2014

Arne Naess' ecocentrally-oriented worldview of 'Self-realization' has been continually attacked by sociocultural critics since it was launched in the early 1970s. Especially ecofeminists and social ecologists criticize that the concept of Self-realization cannot accept social & cultural particularity enough. In other words, they assert that Deep Ecology cannot efficiently resist interpersonal hierarchy. Concentrating their criticism on compassion just for nonhuman beings, the interpersonal equality-oriented critics claim that Deep Ecology should incorporate voices of marginalized humans within their eco-centered world view. Even if Naess recently recognizes necessity to draw more attention to sociohistorical particularity, still unchanged remains essentialism in his neological term 'Self-realization.' Compared to exclusiveness in Naess' Self-realization, the Buddhist worldview of Interdependent Arising(pratityasamutpada) favors both intraspeciel egalitarianism and interpersonal equality as well. The very insight that all beings dependently co-originate reasons compassion for historically marginalized humans as well as nonhuman beings. Accordingly, today's environmentalism might better its efficiency as it goes toward the inclusive Buddhist world view of interdependent arising. For the human being tends to respond more readily to his or her individually urgent problems than their remote social matters.