• Title/Summary/Keyword: Buddhist paintings

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A Scientific Analysis of Ancient Pigments on Wall Paintings at Yeongsanjeon in Tongdo Temple Using a Field-XRF (휴대용X선형광분석기를 이용한 통도사 영산전 벽화 안료의 과학적 성분분석)

  • Han, Min Su;Lee, Han Hyoung;Kim, Jae Hwan
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.132-149
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    • 2011
  • In ancient period, a variety of inorganic or organic pigments had been used as colorants in various kinds of religious and secular paintings such as tomb paintings and wall and scroll paintings in buddhist temples, and danchung(cosmic patterns) for the surface of wooden buildings. This study discusses the results obtained from an analysis of the pigments on the wall paintings of Yeongsanjeon(Hall of Vulture Peak) in Tongdo temple by a qualitative analysis using a field-XRF. The results can be briefly summarized as follows. Firstly, assuming from the major components examined from F-XRF analysis, raw materials of pigment of each color are: red to be Cinnabar(HgS) or Hematite($Fe_2O_3$); white to be White Lead[$2PbCO_3{\cdot}Pb(OH)_2$] in most cases and Calcite($CaCO_3$) or Chalk($CaCO_3$), Kaolin($Al2O_3{\cdot}SiO_2{\cdot}4H_2O$) in some cases; yellow to be Yellow Ocher[$FeO(OH){\cdot}nH_2O$]; black to be carbon(C); green on the painted surface to be Celadonite[$K(Mg,Fe^{2+})(Fe^{3+},Al)(Si_4O_{10})(OH)_2$] in most cases; dark green on the halo of figures to be Malachite[$CuCO_3{\cdot}Cu(OH)_2$], Copper Green[$2CuO{\cdot}CO_2{\cdot}H_2O$] or Atacamite[$Cu_2Cl(OH)_3$]. Secondly, incarnadine and pink were made by mixing with more than two pigments such as red and white for making various tone of colors. The qualitative analysis of pigments on the wall paintings of Yeongsanjeon, in conclusion, displays that the all pigments for ancient periods are inorganis pigments. However, it has the limitation to identify a definite kinds of mineral for each pigment because it was not possible to collect samples from cultural heritage for conducting a crystalline analysis of XRD.

The Study of the Aesthetical Change of the 卍 Shape (만(卍)자 문양의 의장적 변천에 관한 연구)

  • Jang, Hun-Duk
    • Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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    • v.20 no.6
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    • pp.228-235
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    • 2011
  • The 卍 shape which is used as an aesthetical feature for traditional architecture can be seen in the stair railings of the house shaped ceramic potteries in the Eastern Han dynasty(A.D. 25-220) but with the introduction of Buddhism, it has been widely used for the decoration of the sarira(small crystals of the cremated monks) case. After the shape was seen in the Yungang and Dunhwang grottoes mural paintings, the use of it has been expanded. In Korea during the excavation of the Gyeongju Anapji which was the Eastern palace of the Shilla dynasty, a 卍 shaped wood which had been used as a handrail was found and this shape was also used in the railings of the Shilsangsa Baekjangarn temple stone pagoda and lantern and in the sarira case excavated in the Songrimsa temple stone pagoda. In Japan, the Nara period(A.D. 710-794) when there were many cultural exchanges with the Korean peninsula, the handrails of the 2ndfloor of the main hall of Hoyu-ji temple has a 卍 shape. This can be confirmed that this shape has been widely used as a design in Asian Buddhist architecture. Gilsangoonhae(吉祥雲海) which is the symbolic meaning of this shape means for long life and luck which had been used generally for the window designs of temples, palaces, and houses. In this study, it is giving the definition the beginning and the symbolic meaning of the 卍 shape which is being used from the ancient times until nowadays and the change of this shape used for window designs.

The First North Korean Painting in the Collection of the National Museum of Korea: Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain by Seon-u Yeong (국립중앙박물관 소장 산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>)

  • Yi, Song-mi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.87-104
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    • 2020
  • Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

A Study on the Memorial stone of the Sumanotap in Jeongamsa Temple (정암사 수마노탑 탑지석(塔誌石) 연구)

  • Son, Shin-young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.116-133
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    • 2014
  • The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

The Study on Costume Shapes through Goryeo Dynasty Paintings -Comparison with Song and Yuan Style- (고려시대 회화를 통한 복식 형태 연구 -송·원과의 비교-)

  • Chae, Keum Seok;Kim, Eun Kyoung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.40 no.6
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    • pp.1116-1133
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    • 2016
  • This study examines the historical background of Goryeo and its relationship with Song and Yuan. In addition, it observes the shape of dress styles for the king, queen, officers, maids in waiting, and commoners after classifying them with a focus on the dress style of normal people appearing in Buddhist paintings. This study then investigates structures by tracing Goryeo's unique identity and its characteristic by a comparison and analysis of dressing style elements of Goryeo with Song and Yuan. The results shows that the Song's system was used exclusively for the dress style of the king and government officers of Goryeo after Goryeo's submission period by Yuan. There were no clear appearances of a Mongol style dress but only changes in head styles of cutting hair around the head and twisting the rest in a top down and long method. In addition, Song's style Bokgeon was shown by the king to his lower level officers. This was because the king and his officers of Yuan were in accordance with Song's system in officer's dress, hat and head style, armor, and horseback riding equipment. Second, there is doubt if they inherited a traditional form and style of the dress rather than followed the dress style of Yuan because the shape of Yuan's basic dress style Deel is very similar to the dress shape of early Buyeo people's Po in the $3^{rd}$ to $4^{th}$ centuries. Third, the shape of the Chaksu and Gung-go had been kept as it was in the dress style of ordinary men, and because the shape of the double collar had already appeared in the period of Samguk, which appeared in all classes of Yuan. There is no reason to adopt double collar shape that appeared. The general Pyeonbokpo of the country had to be influenced by Yuan. Forth, the dress style of queen and her maids in waiting were mentioned in documents; however, there was no shape of a dress like Boktag and Deel in the relics, which are the characteristic of Yuan's woman dress style. Fifth, the shape worn national style Yu and Sang had been kept in an ordinary woman's dress style; however, the two style system of high and lower class in Yuan's ordinary woman dress style appeared newly and is considered an influence of Goryeo.

Analysis of animal glue by pyrolysis/GC/MS (열분해/GC/MS에 의한 아교의 분석)

  • Park, Jongseo
    • Analytical Science and Technology
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.221-227
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    • 2015
  • Animal glue is a traditional material that was used widely as an adhesive in cultural artifacts, such as Buddhist paintings, dancheong (traditional multicolored paintwork on wooden buildings), mother-of-pearl inlay, and so on. Spectroscopic methods, such as infrared spectroscopy, have been used for the analysis of animal glue. However, such methods do not yield sufficient information about the constituents of the glue. Because pyrolysis/GC/MS analysis is able to estimate the components of a material through the examination of its pyrolyzed products, it is useful for the analysis of polymeric material. In this study, pyrolysis/GC/MS analysis was used to determine the chemical composition of animal glue. The appropriate conditions for analyzing animal glue were established by examining pyrolysis temperature, quantity of the sample, and the repeatability of the method. Some products of pyrolysis were identified. We also analyzed commercial gelatin and animal glue using the established method and found almost no differences in chromatograms among the samples. The results will be used as supporting data to confirm the use of animal glue in cultural artifacts and to replace traditional animal glue by commercial gelatin.

Assessing the Effects of Acrylic Resin (Paraloid B-72) on Buddhist Mural-painting conservation - Focusing on Outside Mural Paintings of Mireuk Hall in Geumsan Temple - (아크릴계 수지(Paraloid B-72)가 사찰벽화 보존에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - 금산사 미륵전 외벽화를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Kyeong-Min;Han, Kyeong-Soon;Lee, Hwa-Soo
    • 보존과학연구
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    • s.29
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    • pp.65-90
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    • 2008
  • This study examines the status and the physical features of Paraloid B-72 layers with examination of microstructure and analysis of organic matters. Paraloid B-72 layers were coated on samples from the colour layer of outer wall painting in Mireuk hall in Geumsan temple. On the basis of the previous examination result, it has made the samples which are similar to outer wall in Mireuk hall in Geumsan temple. The samples can be divided into two, one; 5% Paraloid B-72 coating and another is without coating. Then samples have been experimented under the compulsive environments of infrared radiation and immersion, thereafter compared the results of the damages and physical features between two samples. As a result of the comparison, the sample with Paraloid B-72 had more serious cracks, exfoliations and peeling layers than that of without Paraloid B-72. Otherwise, in the examination of ultraviolet radiation, the sample with Paraloid B-72 coating showed weaker physical properties, less density in structure of colour layer and less hardness in surface of colour layer than the sample without coating. The percentage of moisture content after the ultraviolet radiation was higher in the sample without Paraloid B-72 than the sample with Paraloid B-72 coating. Observing the conditions before the ultraviolet radiation, the sample with Paraloid B-72 coating demonstrated lower rate in moisture evaporation rate than the sample without Paraloid B-72. As a consequence, in examination of this samples, the change of physical features are increased in the sample with Paraloid B-72 coating than that without Paraloid B-72 when compulsive environment of heat, moisture and ultraviolet rays for a short term are imposed.

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A Study on the Da-bo Stupa as a Residential Space of Buddha and Change in Paintings of Duhaung Mogao Caves (돈황 막고굴 벽화내 다보탑의 주처(住處)공간적 의미와 그 변화 연구)

  • Cho, Jeong-Sik;Kim, Bue-Dyel;Cho, Jae-Hyeon;Kim, Bo-Ram
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.35-46
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    • 2013
  • This study aims to examine the early use of Da-bo tap and their transformation by analyzing the various meanings of the term pagoda in Chinese translations, the Sanskrit version of the Lotus Sutra, as well as Dabotap in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang. In addition, we aim to highlight changes in Dabotap usage, which started out as residential spaces, but transformed into burial spaces over time. The details can be summarized as follows. First, early Buddhist monuments were usually either pagodas serving as burial places for the dead or shrines that were not. A Dabotap is a type of pagoda enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna, and was initially used as a residential space, rather than a burial place for the dead. Second, the terms stupa and caitya are clearly distinguished from each other in the Sanskrit scriptures, and stupa is also further classified into dhatu, sarisa, and atmabhava based on the object being enshrined. In Gyeon-bo-tab-pum, the preconditions for caitya to transform into stupa is presented by explaining that worshipping the space enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna is worthy of the same status as the space enshrining sarira. Third, the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang had been depicted from the Western Wei of the Northern Dynasties until the time of the Yuan Dynasty. It was used as a residential space until the early Sui Dynasty, but was used as both residence and burial places until the Tang Dynasty when pagodas were first being constructed with wheel or circles forms on top, which then gradually changed into stupa (grave towers).

Studies on the Costume of Gamrotenghwa in Choson Dynasty (조선시대 감로탱화 풍속장면의 복식 연구)

  • Yang, Suk-Hyang;Lee, Tae-Ho;Lee, Kyeung-Hwa
    • Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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    • v.5 no.5
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    • pp.481-494
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    • 2003
  • The Gamrotenghwa of the Choson Dynasty is a unique genre of buddhist painting in that the destiny of the dead souls and the guidance to nirvana are expressed in reality. More than 50 of the Gamrotenghwa are known to be present, and the lower part of the paintings includes a wide assortment of folk customary scenes reflecting the social life style of the time when the painting was drawn, such as difficulties in life. public life, punishment and war. Changes in the costume of the people shown on the customary scenes of the Gamrotenghwa according to the time based changes in painting style were investigated in this study. The results are summarized in three points. First, the costumes of bureaucrats showed a tendency of preservation without any major changes in the painting. On the other hand, costumes of public and entertainer in the scenes were very close to those worn by the people at that time. The realistic description of public life in the painting may establish the value of the Gamrotenghwa as the historical documents. Second, the costume of the people in the painting showed a dual structure as the social positions; bureaucrats wore various official hats, large coats and belts to expose their social prestige. while the general public wore simple and convenient clothing which is divided into shirt and pants. The dual structure of the costume in the painting is in well accordance with that of the later period of Choson dynasty, suggesting that the customary scenes in the painting represent the social life style of the period. Finally, the customary scenes in the Gamrotenghwa are very variegated. which shows a variety of beauty of wearing even though they look coarse in a sense. The diversity of wearing beauty in the picture may contribute to the recreation of the beauty of shape in the new design of Hanbok.

Iconographic Interpretation of 1569 Tejaprabha Buddha Painting in the Korai Museum of Kyoto Japan (일본 고려미술관(高麗美術館) 소장 1569년 작 <치성광여래강림도>의 도상해석학적 고찰)

  • Kim, Hyeon-jeong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.70-95
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    • 2013
  • The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.