An Historical and Cultural Analysis on the Eastern and Western Moat (동·서양 해자(垓字)의 역사와 문화적 해석)
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- Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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- v.29 no.1
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- pp.105-120
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- 2011
A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, moats had existed in Europe, Asia and the America from ancient times to medieval times. however it is has been disappeared in modem society. In addition, a moat is a great value in historical and cultural sense such as offering a variety of cultural activities and habitats for animals, but unfortunately there is little consideration of its restoration plan. This research is aimed to investigate historical and cultural meaning and significance of moats which had been existing from ancient times to medieval times in the Eastern and Western. For this purpose, this research analyzed concepts and functions in consideration with times and ideological backgrounds of moats in Korea, China, and Japan. Results were as follows: 1. Moats in Korea existed not only in the castle towns of Goguryeo but also in ancient castle towns of Baekje and Silla. Natural moats and artificial moats existed around castles that were built to prevent and disconnect accessibility of enemies In Goryeo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty, moats were also used as a defensive function. 2. A moat was generally installed by digging in the ground deep and wide at regular intervals from the ramparts, A moat was installed not only around a castle but also in its interiors. Moats outside castles played an important role in stomping the ground hard besides enhancing its defensive power. In addition, water bodies around a facility often discouraged people's access and walls or fences segregated space physically, but a moat with its open space had an alert and defensive means while pertaining its visual characteristics. 3. The moat found at Nagan Eupseong rumor has it that a village officials' strength was extremely tough due to strong energy of the blue dragon[Dongcheon] in Pungsujiri aspects, so such worries could be eliminated by letting the stream of the blue dragon flow in the form of 'S'. 4. The rampart of the Forbidden City of China is 7.9 meters high, and 3,428 meters long in circumference. It was built with 15 layers of bricks which were tamped down after being mixed with glutinous rice and earth, so it is really solid. The moat of the Forbidden City is 52 meters in width and 6 meters in depth, which surrounds the rampart of the Forbidden City, possibly blocking off enemies' approach. 5. Japan moats functioned as waterways due to their location in cities, further, with the arrangement of leisure facilities nearby, such as boating, fishing from boats, and restaurants, it helped relieve city dwellers' stress and functions as a lively city space. 6. Korean moats are smaller in scale than those of the Forbidden City of China, and Edo, and Osaka castles in Japan, Moats were mostly installed to protect royal palaces or castles in the Eastern Asia whereas moats were installed to protect kings, lords, or properties of wealthy people in the west.
This thesis is to check whether the modernization, promoted mainly in 1960-1970 of Korea may have the relations with Confucian values or have a gap between this and that, and have the question about the idea of the appearance of modernity under Park Jung-hee's government, which is based on the viewpoint that Confucianism would have been made ill use of or have contribution to the nation-directing modernity, especially to the modernization of people. In a sense this thesis demands the overcome of the modern ills such as social dichotomy, leaving out matters of locals, and neglecting the diversities and singularities of creatures, resulted from efficiencies and uniformity caused by nation-centralism. At first Confucianism have represented humanism with a view to finding the mean between the two of locals, affairs, and men. As such it has seek to find centrality, which means my real mind for meeting outward things or the optimum as the mean, the best state between of the two. The political doctrines modified from Confucian learnings including chung, hyo, samgang, and oryun worked as the mechanism for finding nation-directing modernity. As a result we have lived in the modernity, strengthened by nation-centralism. And the leading concepts in related with Neo-Confucianism had people lose their spaces of desire for their own future or got them to be narrow. Accordingly the modernization of Korea means not an integral space in which we can achieve what we want in various aspects, but a deficient space to be complemented, resulted from the centralization of all conditions of life, dichotomous way of approaching matters by nation-centralism, far from being the essence of Confucianism. In the end the rapid modernization by the leaders in Korea has given rise to the concentration politics, economy, and so forth on Seoul as the center. Then we should deeply reflect the deficiency state of centralism like this and how Confucianism would have been responsible for it and will give how to relieve the unequal centralism of nation. Now for this matter we would like to expect our study in the future.v
This study investigated the extent and magnitude of the woodland edge effects on users' thermal environments according to distance from woodland border. A series of experiments to measure air temperature, relative humidity, wind velocity, MRT and UTCI were conducted over six days between July 31 and August 5, 2015, which corresponded with extremely hot weather, at the south-facing edge of Hadongsongrim(pure Pinus densiflora stands, tree age:
An empirical study and environmental and ecological analysis were conducted on Otgol Village(a village of the Gyeongju Choi's clan in Daegu) where an enclosed pond and groves are still observed. In particular, the enclosed pond and groves and village water system were investigated from an ecological perspective. The enclosed landscape is described based on feng shui principles and the environmental and ecological significance were examined. In general, the environmental and ecological significance is very broad; however, they were analyzed in terms of the quality of life as an empirical study as follows: First, water quality was measured to investigate the improvement of continuous water system functions. In other words, water quality was measured at East Valley(resting space), West Valley(living space), the enclosed pond where the two valleys merge, and the stream that flows out of the pond. Second, the climate functions of the enclosed groves that border the village were examined. In other words, temperature was measured in two places(200m distance from the center of the groves). Third, whether or not a sound ecosystem can be sustained was investigated. In other words, landscape ecological indicators were chosen and measured. The results are as follows: First, the enclosed pond played the role of purifying water quality. While the East Valley has been popular with men for its rock walls and torrents, the West Valley has been popular with women as a living space(ex: doing the laundry). Therefore, the difference of water quality can be explained. Second, since enclosed groves are in a small village forest, they are very weak in terms of being wind proof and temperature reduction effects. Instead, they play the role of the village boundary. Third, the groves are ecologically sound considering the landscape ecological indicators and are similar to ordinary traditional rural villages. In terms of the connection of the green zone, the village groves are well connected to the village boundary wood. If the village groves are restored, in particular, they would offer a decent habitat for grove creatures. According to this study, the traditional village space was formed upon the influence of Feng Shui theories that are based on environmental and ecological principles that focus on the harmony between humans and nature. From the environmental and ecological perspective, the enclosed pond and groves are important factors in building a sustainable village. The diverse water space would help to improve water quality and increase water volume by promoting the water circulation system. In addition, the village woods would surround the village and decrease the temperature and humidity difference between winter and summer. If the groves are small and badly damaged, however, they are meaningful only in dividing the region. The overall improvement of a forestation system and botanical composition may increase the biological diversity and promote the migration of species. Otgol Village has developed an enclosed landscape to improve the village environment. In other words, a sound and refreshing living environment can be developed when the natural ecological system is well understood and properly preserved. Additionally, this traditional village planning will be the environmental and ecological method. From the perspective of environmental ecology, therefore, a traditional village is recommended.
The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.