• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.41-70
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• 2021

US Northeast Asia Policy will show the following changes and continuities with the transition from the Trump administration to the Biden administration. As the Biden administration adheres to traditional principles and norms of US foreign policy, there will be more stability and predictability. The US-China confrontation is likely to become more serious, as President Biden will continue the hawkish China policy Trump initiated. Regarding North Korea, the Biden administration is expected to adopt a more conservative 'bottom-up' approach rather than a 'grand bargain' that Trump pursued. Due to many policymakers holding deep suspicions about the North Korean regime, any diplomatic breakthrough with North Korea is unlikely to occur soon. As for South Korea and Japan, Biden will show more respect to these key allies but may also demand them to contribute more to US-led initiatives countering China.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.11-25
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• 2023

Since President Biden's inauguration, significant cyberattacks have occurred several times in the United States, and cybersecurity was emphasized as a national priority. The U.S. is advancing efforts to strengthen the cybersecurity both domestically and internationally, including with allies. In particular, the Biden administration announced the National Cybersecurity Strategy in March 2023. The National Cybersecurity Strategy is the top guideline of cybersecurity and is the foundation of other cybersecurity policies. And it includes public-privates as well as international policy directions, so it is expected to affect the international order. Meanwhile, In Korea, a new administration was launched in 2022, and the revision of the National Cybersecurity Strategy is necessary. In addition, cooperation between Korea and the U.S. has recently been strengthened, and cybersecurity is being treated as a key agenda in the cooperative relationship. In this paper, we examine the cyber security strategies of the Trump and Biden administration, and analyze how the strategies have changed, their characteristics and implications in qualitative and quantitative terms. And we derive the implications of these changes for Korea's cybersecurity policy.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.61-82
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• 2022

Purpose - This study analyzed the effect of obtaining international products and qualification certification on exports according to the suitability evaluation system. Recently, non-tariff barriers have emerged as technical barriers, and the Biden administration is trying to achieve export growth and economic growth by utilizing the demand for conformity assessment following the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the free trade system from the perspective of Korea. Design/methodology - This study analyzed the effect of a manufacturer's product certification acquisition on a company's export performance using Resource-Based View-based multiple regression analysis. To this end, concentration validity was confirmed through Factor analysis and Cronbach's alpha, and correlation analysis was performed to verify discriminant validity. Findings - Product certification and qualification have a positive impact on the company's export performance. In particular, technological dynamism and relationship control have had a significant impact. Originality/value - Considering that the Conformity Assessment Management Act will take effect in earnest in 2022, this study is believed to suggest that companies that have been certified to meet international standards may improve their export performance and increase their value in the future. International market.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.9-20
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• 2022

Supply chain attacks target critical infrastructure, causing large amounts of damage and evolving into a threat to public safety and national security. Accordingly, when establishing cybersecurity strategies and policies, supply chain risk management is specified to enhance security, and the US Biden administration recently issued the Executive Order on Improving the Nation's Cybersecurity, SBOM was mentioned as part of the guidelines for strengthening software supply chain security. If the government mandates SBOM and uses it as a security verification tool for supply chains, it can be affected by the domestic procurement system in the future and can be referenced when establishing a security system for domestic supply chains according to the progress of policy implementation. Accordingly, in this paper, countries that are promoting the SBOM policy as a way to strengthen the security of the software supply chain were selected and analyzed with a focus on related cases. In addition, through comparison and analysis of foreign SBOM policy trends, methods for using domestic SBOM in terms of technology, policy, and law were considered. As the value of using SBOM as a supply chain integrity/transparency verification tool is expected in the future, it is necessary to continuously identify trends in the establishment of international standardization and policy development for SBOM and study the standard format.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.