• Korean Journal of Forensic Psychology
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.75-97
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• 2021

This study investigated whether judgments of sexual violence involving juvenile victims vary by history of victim's juvenile prostitution, victim's behavior conforming to stereotypes of an "ideal" victim, and relationships between victim and perpetrator. The study also examined the effects of participants' level of authoritarianism and rape myth acceptance on their judgments of sexual violence. A total of 335 participants(170 females, 165 males) in their 20s to 50s assessed the degree of victim blaming and perpetrator sentencing. This study examined the effects of participants' gender and age on the judgments of victim blaming and perpetrator sentencing, and the mediation effects of authoritarianism and rape myth acceptance. As a result, participants blamed the victim more and imposed a lighter sentence on the perpetrator when the juvenile victim did not conform to the image of an "ideal" victim of sexual violence as opposed to a "typical victim". They also blamed the victim more when the victim and the perpetrator met through a chat application than when the victim and the perpetrator had known each other. Male participants as opposed to female participants blamed the victim more, punished the perpetrator more lightly, and exhibited a higher level of authoritarianism and rape myth acceptance. The older the participants were, the more they blamed the victim and the higher they demonstrated rape myth acceptance. The effect of the participants' gender on the judgment of the perpetrator punishment was mediated by rape myth acceptance, and the effect of the participants' gender and age on the victim blaming was mediated by authoritarianism and rape myth acceptance.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.832-844
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to explain innovative changes of men's fashion in 'a cyber society', which has come with the advent of internet revolution and where we have witnessed social changes in view of sex, race and class. As for the research methodology, literary research was under taken to study characteristics of cyber society. And demonstrative studies on men's fashion were undertaken through the analysis of photos. 'Cyber space' is defined as 'a communication network of informations and opinions' or 'pseudo world created by computer technology'. Our current world, which has continuous interaction with cyber space, can be understand as cyber society. In a cyber society, transcendental structure is not accepted, feminine characteristics appear more frequently, and western-biased territorial features lose its ground. These characteristics are rooted in ideological characteristics of cyber society, such as opposition and composition. Considering the characteristics of cyber society, the aesthetic images of men's fashion in cyber society can be explained with de-authoritarianism, 　metrosexualism and multi-culturalism.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.38-64
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• 2002

This paper presents research linking national culture and innovation. The research identifies how key features of Korean culture, collectivism and hierarchical authoritarianism, affect technological innovation. This perspective casts new light on cultural research that, while generally confirming national culture-innovation ties at the organization level, has had less success accounting for culture barriers to innovation in collectivist nations, especially at the interorganizational level. The data for this study was obtained from interviews and written sources. The paper introduces the concept of the social shaping of technology, with which the influence of culture on technological innovation is analyzed, and highlights the development of EDI systems in the collectivist Korean society. It draws attention to the interorganizational basis of collectivism and authoritarianism in the technology innovation process. Finally, Korean innovation systems are questioned, and some negative effects of the collectivist Korean culture at the interorganizational level are discussed.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.87-99
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• 2003

The purpose of this study was to examine how the life styles of Korean people are influenced by the value systems of different generations. We analyzed the survey data of the 869 Korean participants aged from 20 to 69. The following results were obtained. First, differences exist among generations in various values such as collectivism, authoritarianism, environmental control, individualism , universalism, egalitarianism, and environmental accommodation. Especially, the older generation shows high scores in collectivism, authoritarianism and environmental accommodation, among traditional values. On the other hand, younger generation scored a higher level in individualism and egalitarianism. Second, there is a generation gap in the life style, as shown in family activities, household work, consumption activities, and leisure activities. In family activities, leisure activities and consumption activities, the younger generations gained higher scores than the older generations. Third, Korean people's value systems affect their life styles. Also, it was found that the interaction between the genera(ion and the value systems affects the life styles of Korean people.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• Korean Journal of Occupational Health Nursing
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.46-54
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• 2011

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to investigate employer's attitude towards mentally disabled people. Methods: The Lee (1996)'s questionnaire of community people's attitude on perception for mentally disabled people was used to collect data from 208 employers in Busan City. ${\chi}^2$-test and t-test were used to explore related factors of employer's attitude. Results: Employers having experience of hiring physically or mentally disabled people showed higher CAMI scores (p=.002). Especially, employers having experience of hiring mentally disabled people showed higher scores in four components of authoritarianism, benevolence, social restrictiveness, and community mental health ideology than any other groups. In addition, we found differences in employers' attitude on authoritarianism and benevolence according to types of industries and the number of employees. Conclusion: We could suggest that employers experience of employing disabled and mentally disabled people could improve their positive attitude. Therefore, we call for various efforts and programs development to encourage employers to hire mentally disabled people.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.1440-1458
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to explore teachers' workload and its sources from teachers' perspective. Toward the purpose, interviews with and essays written by teachers were analyzed to interpret the meaning of teachers' workload and examine the relationship between their workload and social forces. The results indicated that teachers' workload could be fully understood when amount, intensity and nature of teachers' work were considered together. Among them the nature of work centered on non-educational affairs was perceived most serious problem by the teachers. However, most of the teachers felt helpless at their situation largely made by socio-structural factors including neoliberalism, bureaucracy and authoritarianism. Such a submissive reaction of teachers interacted with the forces to contribute to sustain their predicament.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.