• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• 제12권6호
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• pp.365-373
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• 2014

The basic data will be provided for increasing the coping efforts and for decreasing the improvement of nursing services and stress in mothers of hospitalized child by examining the effects of the nurse's communication styles on the stress and coping efforts in mothers of hospitalized child. This study is the correlation research, and the data collection was conducted from September 2013 until December, and it was based on 196 mothers of hospitalized child in the pediatrics ward of E hospital in D city 196. The data collected was analyzed by the frequency, percentage average, standard deviation, Pearson correlation coefficient, regression analysis method. As the result of the study, about the effects of the nurse's perceived communication styles on the stress and coping efforts in mothers of hospitalized child, the nurse's non-authoritative communication style had the biggest effects on the stress, and the explanation power of those variables was 30.1%. In conclusion, in order to decrease the stress in mothers of hospitalized child and to enhance coping efforts, the nurses should sublate the authoritarian attitude and they should show the communication skills of friendly attitude and communication skills of the informative attitude. These communication skills are needed to be maintained and enhanced continually through the systematic communication enhancement program.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제60권
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• pp.5-27
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.337-345
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• 2020

This study analyzed the longitudinal trajectories of father's depression and the changes of relevant parenting practice in fathers' as well as the problematic behaviors and school adaptation of their children. To address these goals, the data from 1,172 samples from the 4th to 8th Korean Children and Youth Panel Survey (KCYPS) was analyzed. The results of this study indicated that the fathers' depressive levels are classified into three latent groups: 1) the high-changing group, 2) the middle-low changing group, and 3) the low-low changing group. The results also revealed that the fathers within the low-low changing group practiced more authoritative but permissive parenting than the fathers in the two other groups. Children from high-changing group showed more problematic behaviors than the children of the two other groups. In addition, the children from the low-low changing group reported higher school adjustment such as academic achievements, and relationships with peers and teachers. Based on these findings, the study discusses the implications for social work practice and further studies.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.41-62
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• 2007

This paper aims to interpret the changes of the regional inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 on the regulationist approaches that examine institution changes and power dynamics that motivate regional disparities in South Korea. Despite the restrict laws and aims that alms to reduce the concentration into SMA before 1988, the acts were not executed effectively due to the structural selectivity of the bureaucratic authoritarian state of those years. Thus, the regional concentration phenomena of SMA was intensified in the 1980s. However, the democratization in 1987 invoked Non-SMA regions to claim their regional development and it also forced the state to mediate the conflicting interests between the regional agents protesting the SMA concentration and the Capital agents supporting the SMA deregulation. From the early 1990s. the state launched a series of national strategies and policies to diminish regional inequality. They included execution of the existing acts mitigating SMA concentration and construction of industrial complexes in the underdeveloped areas of Non-SMA. Thus, the equalizing polities led the reduction of the concentration of SMA from 1989 to 1997. However, the financial crisis of Korea in 1997 intensified the claims of the Capital agents to deregulate the SMA control. The circumstance also forced the state towards the Capital side that request the deregulation of SMA control. As the result, the regional disparity between SMA and Non-SMA has been enlarged again since 1998.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제57권
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제18권
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.225-241
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• 1988

The purpose of this study is to find the difference between the parents generation and that of the children in the disciplinary methods by means of parental social population variation. With these purpose in mind, the problems have been suggested like following: 1) what are the general differences of between the two generations of parents and children in disciplinary method? 2)What are the general differences of the views between those two generations according to sex? 3) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to age? 4) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to education level? 5) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to income level? In order to solve these problems, questionnaries were distributed on this appendix 374parents (father: 177, mother: 197) who have the children. Questionnaires were compose on "Parents Inventory" of Radke were employs, classfied five measures. To test and verifying the above hypothes, the following five measures. were used. 1) Philosophy of authority (authoritarian vs. democratic) 2) Parental restrition (strict and stubbon vs. democratic) 3) Severity of punishment (severity vs. mildness) 4) Parent-child rapport 9desirable vs. undesirable) 5) Relative responsibility of father and mothehr towards child disciplinary (equal vs. differ) The result of this study is like follows: 1) In general comparison of two generations, tends to be more democratic in the philosophy of authority, more relaxed and easygoing in the parental restroction, more severe in the severity of punishment, and good rapport in the parent-child rapport than grandparents generation and the responsibility of father don't change but that of mother tends to augment in child disciplinary 2) In comparison of two generation according to sex, the mother showed more democratic in the philosophy of authority and closely perceive her parents in the parent-child rapport as compared with the father. 3) In comparison of two generation according to age, the younger parents showed more relaxed attitudes towards the child disciplinary, the perception better relations of their parents in the parent-child rapport. 4) In the comparison of two generations according to education level the more educated parents showed the more relaxed and easygoing attitude towards in the parental restriction. 5) In comparison of two generation according to income, as the parents of large income generally (not always) showed easygoing than their previous generation in the parental restriction, and they perceive that they have a good one in parent-child rapport. This study caused by the some difficult problem required futher investigation on the result of two generations the problems happened in the inner unitary of items. And, it proposed some problems which constitutes the problems of the proper interpretation of the results between two generations brought about discordance of items between tow generations

• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• 제45권4호
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• pp.474-483
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• 2018

The aim of this study was to investigate difference of child's dental fear and agreement between parent/child dyads according to parental rearing style. The subjects were 801 children aged 8 and 11-year old and their parents in Jeonju city. The parents were asked to answer a questionnaire which included four parental rearing style and the Children's Fear Survey Schedule - Dental Subscale(CFSS-DS) at home. Also, the CFSS-DS was completed by 8 and 11 years old children in a classroom. Authoritative, permissive, authoritarian and neglectful parenting styles were 53.4%, 45.8%, 0.2% and 0.6% respectively. Authoritative and permissive parents reported 5.7 and 7.5 points higher than dental fear scores reported by their children. At 8 years old, children of authoritative parents were significantly 3.9 points higher than them of permissive parents(p = 0.002). Also, parent/child dyads showed moderate agreement assessing dental fear at aged 8. Parenting styles are related to children's dental fear, and especially 8-year-old girls in authoritative parenting styles have the highest dental fear. However, as age increased, the impact of parental styles on children's dental fear decreased.

• Journal of Gifted/Talented Education
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.87-108
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• 2000

This study analyzes the factors influencing self-esteem of the gifted children. The factors are divided into the environmental ones and innate ones. The purposes of this study is presented as follows. 1) To analyze the environmental factors influencing self-esteem of the gifted children (1) whether the education period affects self-esteem of the gifted children? (2) what influences do the manners of parental child-rearing behavior make? (3) what influences do peer relationships make on self-esteem of the gifted children? 2) To analyze the innate factors influencing self-esteem of the gifted children (1) does the gender make a difference to self-esteem of the gifted children? (2) does the level of intelligence make a difference to self-esteem of the gifted children? (3) what influences does the locus of control make on the self-esteem of the gifted children? To solve these questions 120 gifted children were selected, who were taking a special education program at C Korea Academy of Gifted Education located at Yangjae-dong Seocho-gu. They were 1st to 3rd grades at elementary school. We used Hare Self-Esteem Scale developed by Bruce R. Hare in 1985, the Index of Peer Relations developed by Hudson in 1986, and Nowicki & Strickland Locus of Control Scale developed by Nowicki and Strickland in 1973. At the other hand the nursing behaviors of 120 mothers of the gifted, were also investigated, based on the Korean Maternal Behavior Inventory, developed by Sungyeon Park in 1989 with some modifications. For statistical analysis we adopted SPSS, a computer software, and calaulated the coefficient of internal appropriateness and the frequencies and percentages of general aspects of the cases. We analysed the factors influencing the self-esteem of the gifted children by way of Pearson's product moment correlation coefficient, t-test, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis and Duncan for ex-post-facto approval. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. 1) Influences of the environmental factors on the self-esteem of the gifted children: (1) The duration of education period had a significant effect on the self-esteem; the longer the duration were, the higher self-esteem they possessed. (2) Of parental child-rearing behaviors, active involvement had positive influence on the self-esteem; on the contrary, authoritarian control and overprotection had negative influences on the self-esteem. (3) An acceptable peer relationship had a positive influence on the self-esteem of the gifted children. 2) Influences of individual innate characteristics on the self-esteem of the gifted children: (1) The gender made no difference on the self-esteem of the gifted. (2) The intelligence did not have a statistically significant effect on the self-esteem of the gifted. (3) When the locus of control was external, the self-esteem of the gifted tended to be low.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.