• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.66
• /
• pp.129-162
• /
• 2017

This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.383-406
• /
• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• Maritime Security
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.215-240
• /
• 2020

In 2017, the U.S. DARPA coined 'mosaic warfare' as a new way of warfighting. According to the Timothy Grayson, director of DARPA's Strategic Technologies Office, mosaic warfare is a "system of system" approach to warfghting designed around compatible "tiles" of capabilities, rather than uniquely shaped "puzzle pieces" that must be fitted into a specific slot in a battle plan in order for it to work. Prior to cover mosaic warfare theory and recent development, it deals analyze its background and several premises for better understanding. The U.S. DoD officials might acknowledge the current its forces vulnerability to the China's A2/AD assets. Furthermore, the U.S. seeks to complete military superiority even in other nation's territorial domains including sea and air. Given its rapid combat restoration capability and less manpower casualty, the U.S. would be able to ready to endure war of attrition that requires massive resources. The core concept of mosaic warfare is a "decision centric warfare". To embody this idea, it create adaptability for U.S. forces and complexity or uncertainty for the enemy through the rapid composition and recomposition of a more disag g reg ated U.S. military force using human command and machine control. This allows providing more options to friendly forces and collapse adversary's OODA loop eventually. Adaptable kill web, composable force packages, A.I., and context-centric C3 architecture are crucial elements to implement and carry out mosaic warfare. Recently, CSBA showed an compelling assessment of mosaic warfare simulation. In this wargame, there was a significant differences between traditional and mosaic teams. Mosaic team was able to mount more simultaneous actions, creating additional complexity to adversaries and overwhelming their decision-making with less friendly force's human casualty. It increase the speed of the U.S. force's decision-making, enabling commanders to better employ tempo. Consequently, this article finds out and suggests implications for Korea armed forces. First of all, it needs to examine and develop 'mosaic warfare' in terms of our security circumstance. In response to future warfare, reviewing overall force structure and architecture is required which is able to compose force element regardless domain. In regards to insufficient defense resources and budget, "choice" and "concentration" are also essential. It needs to have eyes on the neighboring countries' development of future war concept carefully.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.1-11
• /
• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.155-165
• /
• 2021

The measures to extend local education autonomy are as follows: First, it is necessary to correct the confusion of the legal system of the local education autonomy system. For this, Article 12, Paragraph 2 and 4 of the 「Special Act on Local Autonomy and Decentralization, and Restructuring of Local Administrative Systems」 which state that "The State shall endeavor to consolidate systems for autonomy in education and local government" and "The implementation of autonomy in education and the autonomous police system shall be prescribed separately by Acts" should be deleted. Second, it is necessary to clarify unnecessary legal matters and regulatory measures for unification at the national level and to proactively consider the introduction of the legal trust system, in which education affairs are designated as local governments' own work and the state carries out specific affairs. The decentralization of local education finance is a key factor for the development of local education autonomy, and it requires the transfer of authority and resources to the region, and the enhancement of local autonomy and corresponding responsibility. First, the ratio of special grants must be adjusted further (from 3% to 2%) or the ratio of national policy projects must be lowered. Second, the provision that requires a consultation with a mayor/governor when making a budget covered by transfers from general accounts should be deleted. Third, it is necessary to remove the elements that limit the authority of city and provincial councils. Fourth, it is necessary to integrate the national education tax and the local education tax to create the education autonomy tax (tentative name) for only one independent purpose. Fifth, it is necessary to strengthen the distribution of the total amount of grants and abolish the settlement regulations for the measurement items of standard financial demand. Sixth is the expansion of the participation of stakeholders and experts in the grant distribution process. Seventh, it is necessary to establish a long-term employment system by designating the education finance field as a special field. Eight is the expansion of cooperative governance.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
• /
• v.53 no.3
• /
• pp.278-289
• /
• 2021

The rapid aging of society has led to a surge in cognitive dysfunction in the elderly. As there is limited evidence for the development of dementia in medicine, a shift in focus on prevention strategies using bioactive compounds in food is required. This systematic review evaluated the effects of various bioactive compounds on age-associated cognitive decline. The literature was searched for terms related to bioactive compounds in cognitive decline and article selection was limited to clinical randomized controlled trials for a single bioactive compound. We identified 21 studies that evaluated the strength of the evidence. ω-3 fatty acids and vitamin B presented a strong evidence level, whereas vitamin D and E, anserine/carnosine, and chromium were defined as having moderate levels of evidence. ω-3 fatty acids relieved cognitive decline and reduced amyloid β-related protein accumulation. Vitamin B decreased homocysteine levels, which is accompanied by alleviation of cognitive function. In conclusion, ω-3 and vitamin B have the potential to improve age-associated cognitive decline.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.2
• /
• pp.154-169
• /
• 2021

The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.2
• /
• pp.22-37
• /
• 2021

The wind chime is a longstanding Jangeomgu (majestic article) found in Korea, China, and Japan. However, basic research on wind chimes is currently inadequate as it is difficult to estimate the time of production, and there are few relics. Therefore, this research morphologically classifies the eight bronze wind chimes decorating the baldachin of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan. Based on this, the manufacturing techniques and production period are scientifically demonstrated. The synthesis of the research results reveals that the structure and characteristics of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan differ depending on their location on the baldachin. The four large-sized wind chimes on the lower-baldachin were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they are estimated to have been made during the early period of Goryeo. The two medium-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northern direction were manufactured through forging a Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they appear to have a similar structure to the cylindrical wind chimes appearing during the latter period of Goryeo and the Joseon period. The two small-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's southern direction were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy containing Zn, and based on the chemical composition of the alloy and the shape of the clapper, they are estimated to have been manufactured during the latter period of Joseon. Through the observation of microstructures and a chemical composition analysis, it is demonstrated that two wind chimes of the lowerbaldachin were manufactured by casting and slow cooling the alloy with an alloy ratio of Cu:Sn:Pb≒80:15:5. In addition, it is estimated that the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction were manufactured by forging an alloy of Cu-Sn with a similar alloy ratio to that of forged high tin bronze. The results of a comparative analysis of prior research on domestic wind chimes confirm that two wind chimes of the lower-baldachin have a similar composition ratio to the wind chime excavated from Wolnamsaji in Gangjin, containing an amount of tin that corresponds with ancient records. Having a similar alloy ratio to forged high tin bronze, the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction are the only instances among all of the wind chimes that have been examined to date that were manufactured using this forging method. The purpose of this research is to collect baseline data to verify and classify the manufacturing period of wind chimes according to their morphological characteristics based on scientific evidence. It is hoped that this data can be utilized for the restoration and conservation processes of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.1
• /
• pp.138-163
• /
• 2021

The Buyeo Wangheungsa Temple was excavated 15 times by the Buyeo National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage by 2015. In doing this, it was confirmed that the attached buildings were placed in the east and west along with the central Sangharama building. Various building sites were established in the western section of the temple, and various buildings were placed inside, and this pattern was estimated in the eastern section. In this article, the structure and function of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple were focused on the planar structure and excavated artifacts. The most distinctive feature of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple is their construction alongside the central Sangharama building. It is different from the building to the Neungsan-ri Temple, which was expanded gradually. The attached buildings in the east and west of the lecture hall are presumed to be living space for monks who used solitary rooms, and the attached buildings in the east and west of the main hall were a combination of public work space used for things such as administration, ceremonies, and reception. Next, looking at the outer space of the central Sangharama, the western section was likely constructed at the same time as the central Sangharama. However, if you look at the building site inside the western section, the function has been changed in two stages. The first stage was a ritual space, and it is evident that the western section has a separate entrance and sidewalk and that the workshop was used as a monastery space in the second stage. Finally, there is a distinct possibility that the eastern part of the complex was an important section. Although this space is presumed to be composed of triple towers and halls, it must be have been approached in various ways and included structures related to the operation of temples, such as the monastery space. From this point on, the overall appearance of Baekje temples can be recovered through access to temple structures in a wide variety of ways, including studies of the attached buildings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.1
• /
• pp.164-183
• /
• 2021

This article examines how the production technology of the Chinese bronze mirror affected the Korean Peninsula and Japan. To that end, we looked at how the drawing of linked-arc designs in bronze mirrors was done. The drawing technique is classified into three methods: Type 1 and type 2 were confirmed to have been used in China, but type 3 was used not in China, but on the Korean Peninsula and in Japan. Type 1 and type 2 are basically the same, with an identical restored diameter of the linked-arc design, and type 2 is found elsewhere in the bronze mirror, and type 1 are not. Type 3 features different diameters, and the linked-arc design does not form a complete circle. This shows that the manufacturer of the bronze mirror did not use several bumpy compasses, but rather a single one with a fixed center and protrusion, rather than one that can be easily adjusted, as it is today. That is why, of course, a pair of compasses must have been used several times. In this regard, those who produced bronze mirrors on the Korean Peninsula in the early days understood not only the Chinese techniques of the linked-arc design, but also the meaning contained within them. On the other hand, the makers of bronze mirrors in Japan did not understand the patterns and simply imitated them. From the late Yayoi period, Japan understood and produced works with the principle of drawing the linked-arc design. As a representative example, bronze mirrors excavated from the tomb of Hirabaru can be referenced. Perhaps it can be assumed that, behind these works, there was a direct transfer of technology, such as the migration of the makers of bronze mirror makers like the Do family (陶氏), whose names were found written on bronze mirrors excavated from the Hirabaru tomb.