• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.7-32
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• 2006

This study is about the cultural policy related to fine art under the U. S. Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK), from September 8, 1945, to August 15, 1948. Drawing on the previous studies of Korean art history in the 'Liberation Period', this study especially concentrates on intention, attitude and activities of the USAMGIK. Particularly the historical documents, stored at the National Archives at the College Park, Maryland, U.S.A., were valuable to do research on the cultural policy of USAMGIK. The cultural policy was subordinated to the political objectives of occupation that can be summarized to building a stronghold of anti-communism in South Korea. Under the U.S. Military government control, cultural matters were assigned to the Cultural Section, the Bureau of Education, which later turns into the Bureau of Culture, the Department of Education. The Bureau of Culture dealt with matters of the ancient Korean art treasures and of the Korean contemporary art. USAMGIK reopened the Korean National Museum which had been closed by the Japanese since the World War II period. After that, U.S. Department of State sent arts & monuments specialists to South Korea for investigating ancient Korean art and culture. Although some of the destructed art treasures were restored during the occupation, th ere were many negative cases including intentional destruction of historic sites or loot of art treasures by U.S. army. In contrast to their interest in the Korean antiquities, USAMGIK payed little attention to promoting the Korean contemporary artists and their arts. USAMGIK distrusted and suppressed the artists of leftism, while they kept good relations with the pro-American artists and the right-wing artists. In conclusion, the visual-cultural policy of USAMGK was mainly planned and carried out in order to preserve the national interest of the United States. This period produced long-term effects on the fine art and visual culture of South Korea, in terms of institution, policy, and reorganization of art community based on anti-cummunism.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.143-177
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• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.307-330
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• 2016

This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.313-332
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• 1994

The purpose of this study were as follows : 1) Investigate how to intluence Clothes with time background and trends of art-thought in the twenty century. 2) To understand chronologically how to change hair style Make-up and hair decor-ation. I. 1st and 2nd World War time(1920-1945) The women's social status and their sexual equality was promoted during in this time. 1) African Art Surrealism and Expression art were doninated. 2) The popalar trends were tutular silhoutte (Slim and long) boyish Style and military lookwere popular. 3) The popalar trends of were Eton Crop. short bob gaconne hair style cloche hat. page boy hair style were popular. 4) The trend of make-up which specially. emphasized eye make-up and imitated movie star make-up and make shining redish of lip and nails were popular. II. The stage of modernism(1945-1969) cold war time between communism and capi-talism and promotin of women's human rights were established in this time. 1) Pop art avantgrade art were catched up 2) The popular trends of were new look Kior's line silhoutte mini skirt and young fashion. 3) The popular trend of hair style was french twist. Pill Boxs hat curly bob style were prevalenced and they some what dwarfed hair style. 4) make-up natural make-up was popular. III. The stage of high economic development (1969-1990) Increased population economic development were tend to specialize with anti-social action such as Hippie and Punk groups. 1) Op art Androgynous post-modernism Punk and neo-modernism were catched up. 2) Clothes : classic style of reactionism layered look Punk-fashion avantgrade fashion and pantalon suits were prevalence. 3) Hair Style : Twiggy's short hair style the geometric hair cut natural long hair Spike hair unsex-hair style. 4) Make-up : diversified individuality were prevalence The result of this study indicated that the value's of recognize the importance of total fashion that is the harmonization of clothes hair style and make-up.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.192-220
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• 2007

This study explored the official memory of Korean War through the War Memorial. The object of this study was the War Memorial in Yong-san, Seoul. This study investigated the politics of how the War Memorial would appear and the official memory of what the War Memorial would communicate. In the process of foundation of the War Memorial one-sided decision was made by the President and the Army. The aim of the War Memorial is to educate next generation. Anti-communism is the most important ground for value judgement of exhibition. In this sense, the War Memorial concretize particular interpretations on Korean War. This is the official memory of Korean War made by the War Memorial.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.109-121
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• 2015

Dir. Go, Yeongnam has made 110 film works during 40 years from the last of 1960's to the first of 2000's. He has the record for the most making films in Korean film world. His first film is melodrama (1964). But he makes literary picture genre film after (1977). He has made various genre film such as 47 melo films, 6 literary pictures, 3 comedy films, 22 action films, 21 anti-communism films, 1 war films, 8 detective films, 2 costume plays. This research discussed on Go, Yeongnam's activity in Korean film world and introduced his all films from the last of 1960's to the first of 2000's. In conclusion I arranged the essay of Go, Yeongnam's film world through analyzing the story of his all films.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.61-107
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• 2017

It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.239-273
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• 2005

This study compares the Korean and U.S. media's coverage of the No Gun Ri massacre, analyzing their usages of sources in the stories and explaining by the perspective of media sociology why they differed in them. For the comparison with the AP's report, we selected only the reports of the Korean media which dealt with the incident itself. It was found that most of the Korean media utilized a very small number of sources, and that they relied on the victims alone. In contrast, the AP's sources were much more numerous drawn from both the victims and offenders. As a result, the Korean media failed to ensure the 'diversity of sources' and to illuminate the whole picture of the incident, although they had started to report it far earlier than the AP. From the depth interviews with the reporters, through the framework of media sociology, it was found first at the personal level, that the difference was brought about by the divergent news evaluation. It seemed that the Korean journalists regarded the incident with relatively lower news value than their U.S. counterparts. Next, at the intra-organizational level, it was conceded, neither did the Korean new media have so flexible news collecting system, nor so murk man-power and resource as the AP, which were required for the coverage of such an incident. The Korean media had not established the convention to utilize various sources with conflicting interests. Last, at the extra-organizational level, the Korean news media's coverage was still influenced by the self-censorship mechanism due to the ideologies of 'pro-Americanism' and 'anti-communism', even though the democratization of Korean society itself enabled the sensitive incident to be dealt with eventually by the media.