• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.49-67
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• 2019

Since returning to power in 2012, the second Abe administration has pressured Japanese mainstream media in various ways, from creating the Secrecy Act to forming close relationships with media executives and promoting anti-journalism voices on social media. This article focuses on the growth of a jingoist group called the 'Net-rightists' ('Neto-uyo' in the Japanese abbreviation) on the Internet, which has been supporting the right-wing government and amplifying its historical revisionist views of Japanese colonialism. These heavy Internet users deny Japan's war crimes against neighboring Asian countries and disseminate fake news about the past, which justifies Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's hostile diplomatic policies against South Korea and China. Over the past years, the rightist online discourses have become powerful to such an extent that the editorials of major newspapers and TV reports shifted to more nationalist tones. Who are the Neto-uyo? Why have they emerged from the online world and proliferated to the offline world? Two significant characteristics of new media are discussed to analyze their successful media manipulation: cultural transcoding and perpetual rewriting of collective memories. These characteristics have resulted in constructing and reinforcing the data loops of the 'Daily Us' versus Them, technologically raising current diplomatic tensions in East Asia.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.83-113
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• 2017

After defeat in World War II, Japan's Peace Constitution committed the country to forego the acquisition of offensive military capabilities. However, in the midst of the post-cold war period, Japan began to change its security posture in line with the so-called 'normal state theory', which called for a more robust defense posture and expanded security activities. The second Abe administration promoted these security policies by issuing a National Security Strategy as well as a new National Defense Program Outline(NDPO) in 2013 and by establishing new security institutions such as the National Security Council. The Abe administration also adopted the new concept of a 'Unified Mobile Defense Force' in the 2013 which replaced the 'Dynamic Defense Force' as a new criteria for the Self-Defense Force's acquisition of military capabilities. In this new concept of military capabilities, the Ground Self-Defense Force is planning to replace existing divisions with mobile divisions and to form 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' for the first time in 2018, which has long been taboo in Japan. Japan has experience a Marine Corps in the past. Likewise, an offensive changes in the military strategy can change the spectrum of strategy and 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' plays a big role in this. Furthermore, Japan is increasing the Coast Guard's budget and capabilities in preparation for contingencies around the Senkaku islands (called the Diaoyu in Chinese). The South Korea navy should utilize Japan's changing security posture to deter immediate threat such as North Korea's military provocations and potential enemy threat such as China, Japan, Russia.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.87-121
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• 2021

Since 2012, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe'sadministration began to promote women's participation and advancement in the workplace and established the Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace (the Act) in 2015. Some criticize this Act as a way to utilize women for economic development and to deal with the shrinking working population. In contrast, others point out that it is a law that can be beneficial for women. As such, this Act serves as an interesting case of a women's policy promoted by a conservative government. This paper's objective is to shed light on if and how women are substantively represented in the Diet members' statements made during the legislative debate of the bill on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace between 2014 and 2015. This paper asks two research questions. First, based on the mixed evaluation of the Act made in the studies about the Abe administration's women's policies, this research asks if the Diet members speak of women as resources to use for other economic and social goals or if women are substantively represented. Second, drawing insights from the literature on women's substantive representation, this research asks how Diet members speak for women. Particularly, based on the studies on conservatism and substantive representation of women, this question seeks to determine if Diet members engage in the conservative representation of women, taking women's roles as mothers and wives who provide care for children, husbands, and elders at home for granted. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the number of statements that explicitly claimed to use women was small. Second, while some Diet members of conservative political parties engaged in the conservative representation of women, there were more instances of non-conservative representation, in which a variety of types of women were represented. These findings reveal that even when the conservative government's intention to submit the bill was to utilize women rather than acting for women, Diet members could speak for various types of women and engage in the non-conservative representation of women. The findings also imply the importance of paying attention to formal and informal legislative deliberation rules to figure out how women's substantive representation can occur under a conservative government and in a legislature dominated by conservative parties.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.15-23
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• 2018

Purpose - This paper aims to explore the distribution and application of community-based disaster risk information and employ a case study as a qualitative research method to make some implications and suggestions for disaster management in the future. Research design, data, and methodology - This research has basically adopted an idiographic approaches to examine the basic policy of integrated flood risk management of Shiga prefecture in Japan. The methodology is based on a retrospective analysis, which starts from critical events and traces backwards processes to find out what goes well or wrong. Results - The results of this paper support that the multiple stakeholders in a community have to share and distribute disaster risk information in the proper time. The distribution and application of community-based disaster risk information cannot be overemphasized in that the local communities are culturally rich in traditional flood management knowledge, have voluntary organizations and have enjoyed mutual support and human network to cope with floods. Conclusions - The study results also imply that local residents of the community will be abe to have an important role in coping with natural disasters, which involves more proactive actions than passive actions for the enhancement of disaster management.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.14 no.11
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• pp.6351-6356
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• 2013

Background: Goshajinkigan (GJG) is used for the treatment of several neurological symptoms. We investigated the efficacy of GJG and mecobalamin (B12) against neurotoxicity associated with docetaxel (DOC) in breast cancer patients. Materials and Methods: Sixty breast cancer patients were treated with DOC. Thirty-three patients (GJG group) received oral administration of 7.5 g/day GJG and 27 patients (B12 group) received oral administration of 1500 ${\mu}g/day$ B12. Neuropathy was evaluated according to DEB-NTC (Neurotoxicity Criteria of Debiopharm), Common Terminology Criteria for Adverse Events (NCI-CTC) ver. 3.0, and a visual analogue scale (VAS). This study employed a randomized open design. Results: The incidence of neuropathy was 39.3% in the GJG group, and 88.9% in the B12 group (p<0.01). In the GJG group, grade 1 DEB-NTC was observed in 2 cases, grade 2 in 5 cases and grade 3 in 5 cases. Grade 1 NCI-CTC was observed in 7 cases, grade 2 in 6 cases, and VAS was $2.7{\pm}2.2$. In the B12 group, grades 1, 2 and 3 DEB-NTC were observed in one case, 12 cases and 12 cases, respectively; and grades 1, 2 and 3 NCI-CTC were observed in 11 cases, 12 cases and one case, and VAS was $4.9{\pm}2.4$. Conclusions: Concomitant administration of GJG is useful in preventing neuropathy in breast cancer patients treated with a DOC regimen.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.83-101
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• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to explore a way of South-North Korea fisheries cooperation through international organizations under the principles of the Korean peninsula trust process. Considering the government policy toward the North, although some humanitarian aids or cooperations may be plausible with permission of the Ministry of Reunification. direct cooperations between the South and the North Korea must be much limited at leat under the present government. The 5.24 measures taken in 2010 banned in fact all economic/humanitarian cooperations by private sectors and government. Noting the present and the visible future, an important question is whether the North accepts all cooperations including fisheries, bartering giving up nuclear weapon development for the 5.24 measures. It would be a difficult question to be answered, because win-set to both parties is too narrow, so far as there is no change in the South-North conflicting priority policies. If so, one way of implementing South-North fisheries cooperations is to drive forward cooperative programs through UN organizations. Since for instance FAO and WFP secure justification and roles and has a global network, they have sufficient capacity of being abe to organize fisheries experts. If the South can finance the budget necessary for the programs, FAO or WFP would lead the programs through a negotiation with the North. In other words, it is a type of cooperative model that FAO or WFP leads the programs and the South finances. In addition, if World Fisheries University(WFU) is invited to the Republic of Korea, it might make a great contribution to expert exchange of the North.

• YAKHAK HOEJI
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.335-344
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• 1997

The absorption, distribution and excretion of $^{14}C$ labeled YH1885 {5,6-Dimethyl-2(4-fluorophenylamino)-4-(1-methyl-1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinolin-2-yl)pyrimidine hydroc hloride), a new proton pumpinhibitor, were investigated in rats after a single administration of $^{14}C$-YH1885. 1. After intravenous administration of 5mg/kg, the blood level of radioactivity declined in a biphasic fashion with the mean terminal elimination half-life of 12.4hr. 2. After oral administration of 20mg/kg, the maximum blood level of radioactirity was reached at 4.0hr in female rats. The blood level of radioactivity-time profiles in male and female rats were similar, and the absorptionof $^{14}C$-YH1885 was not affected by food. 3. Appproximately 89% and 1% of radioactivity of the total dose were excreted in feces and urine, respectively. 4. Biliary excretion of radioactivity was 47.9% of the dose. Enterohepatic circulation of radioactivity was 49.6%. 5. Radioactivity was excreted maily into feces via bile. 6. The concentration of radioactivity in most tissues reached the peak level at 4.0hr after dosing, and then declined. Autoradiograms of male rats showed that the radioactivity levlels in the fat, harder's gland, liver and G-Itract were higher than those in the other tissues and the elimination of radioactivity from fat and liver was slow. 7. Autoradiograms of a pregnant rat showed that radioactivity was transferred to mammary gland, placenta and fetus. The radioactivity level in the mammary gland was higher than that in the blood.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.14 no.8
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• pp.4843-4846
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• 2013

Background: The infusion rate is considered to affect incidence and severity of infusion reactions (IRs) caused by protein formulations. Trastuzumab (TRS) is approved for 90-minute infusion as the initial dose followed by 30-minute infusion with 250 ml saline. In the study, we evaluated the safety of TRS intravenously administered over 30 minutes with 100 ml saline to reduce burden of patients, safety of infusion with 250 ml saline already being established. Materials and Methods: Women with HER2 positive breast cancer, ${\geq}18$ years and ${\geq}55%$ left ventricular ejection fraction (LVEF), were registered in the study. Patients received 8mg/kg of TRS 250 ml over 90 minutes followed by 6mg/kg of TRS 100ml over 30 minutes in a three-week cycle. Results: A total of 31 patients were recruited, 24 for adjuvant therapy and seven with metastases. The median age was 59 years (range 39 to 82). The total number of TRS doses ranged from 5 to 17 with the median of 15. Mild IR occurred in two patients at the first dose. However, no IR was observed after reducing to 100 ml saline. No decrease of LVEF, increase of serum brain natriuretic peptide or any other adverse events were reported. Conclusions: Intravenous infusion of TRS with 100 ml saline over 30 minutes in breast cancer patients can be considered safe based on results from the study. It can be given on an outpatient basis as with the currently recommended dilution in 250 ml saline.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.29-50
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• 2013

With the recent global threats of terrorism as well as religious conflicts, Northeast Asian countries including South Korea, China, and Japan are experiencing particularly serious security crises as demonstrated by North Korea's threats of nuclear weapons testings and long-range missile launching as well as military provocation toward South Korea such as sinking of ROKS Cheonan and bombardment of Yeonpyeong island and the territorial dispute between China and Japan over Senkaku Islands(Diaoyu Islands). As a result, Park Geun Hye Administration of South Korea and the 2nd Abe Shinzo Cabinet of Japan, both recently established, are making efforts to improve their national security and crisis management policies. One of the key elements of such efforts is the strengthening of National Security Council(NSC) or its equivalent organization as the control tower of national security policy, modeled after the NSC of the United States. This paper compares NSC organization of Korea, the U.S., and Japan and draws policy insights focusing on the current political and national security situation South Korea is facing. Although organizational structure, function, and history of NSC of each country differs, it can be inferred from this comparison that NSC-type of organizations can play an important role as a control tower of security and emergency management policies.