• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

This study analyzed the reports of Korean and Chinese newspapers on the foundation of AIIB from the viewpoint of public diplomacy. The results showed that Chinese newspapers reported the government's statements and opinions and played as a means of conforming to the purposes of public diplomacy. Chinese newspapers employed the media paradigm of Instrumentalism among three paradigms of public diplomacy, which was due to ownership structure of the press. In the case of Korean Newspapers, they adopted paradigms of culturalism and professionalism. However, they verged to culturalism in terms of lack of discourse struggle due to few in-depth reports of the effects of national economy of AIIB.

• 월간 기계설비
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• s.301
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• pp.86-88
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• 2015

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.103-115
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• 2018

The potential competitiveness for new routes and resources has been theoretically discussed with regards to the Arctic route but is gradually becoming a reality as global warming increases. In June of 2017, China officially included the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and major countries' interests in the NSR are greatly expanding. This paper presents the general characteristics of the NSR, NSR development in China, the expected relationship between the NSR and the BRI, and this relationship's implications for Korea. The NSR has poor facilities and information infrastructure and is not economically viable for commercial navigation due to its high-cost conditions compared to competitive routes. In order to explore the Arctic and develop the NSR, large-scale projects must be funded over a long period of time; this has caused major difficulties in development. However, as the NSR is included in the BRI, there could be an opportunity to utilize BRI funds, such as Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Further, China's NSR development and the NSR development of partner countries, such as Korea, should be further stimulated. As Korea has strengths in terms of its shipbuilding technology and geographical location, which is located at the core of the NSR, Korea would have chances to expand the economic cooperation and business opportunities with China and Russia.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.9
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• pp.189-200
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of China's trade relationships with and dependency on the countries participating in the Belt and Road initiative and to present some implications. This study collected annual total imports, exports, and GDP data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on 198 countries and the National Bureau of Statistics of China (NBS) on 221 countries from 1995 to 2015. China's imports and exports have expanded considerably from the mid-1990s to the present, and China's dependence on imports and exports with the US and Japan has declined, while its dependence on the Middle East, South Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia has increased. China has a very high level of dependence on imports from and exports to the countries participating in the Belt and Road initiative, and as the Belt and Road project progresses, the mutual trade dependency between China and the other participating countries is expected to strengthen and expand.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.297-313
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• 2019

China's 'One Belt and One Load' is a national development strategy that aims to develop China and Eurasian Economic Area into a single economic Area by overland and sea routes. Thus, China's 'One Belt and One Load' construction will be a new engine for China and global economic development. At the same time, expected to have a significant impact on the international economic order and the enhancement the status of the Chinese economy. First of all, 'One Belt and One Load' will contribute to China's social stability by reducing the development gap between the East and West regions to some extent, as well as solving the problems of overcapacity and overproduction in China. Moreover, with a stable supply of energy resources, it will also contribute to the stable development of the Chinese economy. China's 'One Belt and One Load' will also enhance China's status by enhancing the level of Chinese influence and RMB in the international economy, in addition to the economic development of China and 'One Belt and One Load' consecutive countries. In particular, it will weaken the influence of the US, which has dominated the hegemony in the international community. Therefore, Korea, which maintains close economic relations with China, needs to prepare for countermeasures by closely monitoring the change in China's status as a result of China's 'One Belt and One Load' construction.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.10-21
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• 2018

This study analyzes difficulties of enterprise activities in Chinese construction market by surveys on early entrants and interviews with experts. This study also suggests future strategy to enter the market by using inducement coefficient model. Korean construction companies in China are under heavy pressure to maintain requirement of licenses, despite recent deregulation. They are in dire predicament for market entry due to the Foreign Direct Investment System. It is almost impossible to participate in public projects and also it is not easy to do PPP projects. Therefore, Korean government should make more efforts to solve those issues through negotiations in FTA and GPA. For future expansion in Chinese construction market, it is highly recommended to boost cooperation models between Korea and China according to the empirical results of inducement coefficient model. Korean companies should collaborate with Chinese companies in some fields: smart city, environment and water treatment. Also, Korean government should support Korean companies by diplomatic means such as requesting for further opening of China's market. In GPA or GATS negotiation, Korean government should ask Chinese government that Korean companies can obtain order independently (without joint venture with Chinese companies) in China. Lastly, Korean construction companies should participate in construction projects ordered by international organizations such as ADB, AIIB.