• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.79-106
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• 2019

Local governments within the boundaries of a state need increasing flexibility to satisfy diverse economic, social, and environmental goals in their particular geographical setting. However, many candidates in the local election in South Korea tend to see local politics as an extension of national-level politics. In particular, this paper mainly deals with how the voters' evaluation of a president's performance has influenced subnational elections in South Korea. Our analysis suggests that the fate of candidates in subnational elections is shaped by the performance of the incumbent president in both economic development and foreign affairs.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.39-66
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.825-833
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• 2018

We examined the relationship between the order of signs and the order of vote within parties in electing local district councilors during the 7th nationwide local election held on June 13th, 2018. We analyzed election data for respective cases that include two, three, four candidates within the same party. In most cases, the candidate with sign 'Ga' gained more than other candidates in the same party, showing a need for provisional measures. In addition, a difference in voting tendency was found between in-house voting and early outside voting when there were two candidates in the Democratic Party of Korea as well as for when there were two candidates in the Liberty Korea Party.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.121-144
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• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.241-276
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• 2018

This article measures equal weighted voting to evaluate the fairness of a redistricting system operated in the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections using a new index. The cosine square index using in the article would be useful on what we see the ratio of the equality of population among metropolitan regions and the fairness of the whole electoral system, along with its simple calculation. The results of the fairness of the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections calculated by the cosine square index are as follow: Because the $4^{th}$ metropolitan council election uniformly elects two members for each electoral district regardless of the size of the population, it has a low equality of population between districts. But as a result of the decision of the Constitutional Court in 2007, standard of population variation in electoral district has been strengthened to 4 : 1 from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. It increases significantly equality of population between districts from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. But in the elections from the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections, Rural electoral districts continuously show the lowest equality of population between districts. It also shows the growing disparity between urban and rural areas as well as between capital and non-capital. This paper emphasizes that electoral apportionment in local council elections should reflect regional diversity and community identity.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.433-438
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• 2019

This study analyzes the visual design elements in election posters and the influence they have. Focused on the Mayor of Seoul election in 2018, this research aims to find out the influence of visual elements on the possible cause of vandalisms of election posters. As a research method, the researcher analyzed the role of election posters and investigated examples of election poster vandalisms in Korea. In addition, the researcher conducted eight in-depth interviews about the positive and negative opinions about the visual elements of a specific candidate's election poster from the Mayor of Seoul election. As a result, there are two findings. First, the visual design elements did not influence the provocation of vandalism. Second, the content of the political slogan had the most negative influence. This study is significant because it examines the influence of visual design elements on the election campaign posters. This study is hoped to help future research and to contribute to the development of more influential delivery of visual political messages.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• s.307
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• pp.20-23
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• 2018

2018년 1월 국내에서는 처음으로 환경부와 수도권 지자체를 중심으로 '미세먼지 비상저감조치(이하 비상조치)'가 시행되었다. 공교롭게도 지방선거를 5개월 앞둔 시점에 비상조치가 시행되면서 언론 등을 통해 논란이 증폭된 점을 부인할 수는 없지만, 비상조치에 대한 뜨거운 논쟁은 최근 수년간 미세먼지 문제에 대한 시민들의 인식과 불편함이 상당히 높아져 왔음을 보여주는 사례이다. 일정 조건을 충족하면 비상조치가 언제라도 다시 시행될 수 있다는 점에서, 빠른 시일 안에 지난 1월의 경험을 돌아보고 우리 사회가 나아가야 할 방향을 재정립할 필요가 있다. 정책을 수립하고 시행하는 과정에서 경험한 바를 점검하고, 이를 통해 얻은 교훈을 바탕으로 앞으로 나아갈 방향을 다시 정립하는 과정(경험을 통한 학습과 환류)은 공공정책을 수립하고 시행하는 데 있어서 필수적인 요소이다. 이 글에서는 미세먼지 농도 기여율 연구 결과, 비상조치 경험, 기후변화 대응 과정의 교훈 등을 돌아보면서 목표관리 측면, 국제협력, 시민과 기업의 참여, 배출관리 부문, 노출저감 전략 등을 중심으로 앞으로의 미세먼지 대응 방향을 제안하고자 한다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2019.07a
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• pp.177-178
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• 2019

본 연구는 지방교육자치의 가장 핵심인 '교육감' 관련 연구들의 주요 핵심어들과 그들 간의 관계성을 분석하였다. 본 연구에서는 2009년부터 2018년까지(10년간)의 '교육감' 관련 선행연구 총 93건을 키워드 네트워크 분석 방법론을 활용하여, 주요 핵심어 추출 및 워드 클라우드 제시, 주요 핵심어들 간의 관계성(의미망 네트워크) 분석 등을 진행하였다. 최근 10년간 국내 '교육감' 관련 연구들의 주요 핵심어들은 교육감선거, 주민직선제, 선출제도, 개선방안, 비교연구, 교육자치, 문제점, 지방자치, 교육부장관, 교육위원 등 이었다. 주요 핵심어들(상위 출현빈도)은 높은 밀도와 연결정도를 가지고 상호 네트워크를 형성하고 있었다. 본 연구결과는 향후 진행될 '교육감' 관련 후속연구들의 새로운 연구주제 선정 및 다양한 방향 설정에 기초자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).