• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.426-431
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• 2018

This study examines exchange rate volatility spillovers that affect the exchange rate volatility of Korean currency. For this study, the Japanese yen, British pound, Euro, and Canadian dollar are used as the currencies of developed countries, and the Thai baht, Indonesian rupiah, Singapore dollar, and Australian dollar are used as the currencies of the areas near Korea. The GARCH(1.1) model is employed for weekly data covering the period from January 2009 to December 2017. This study finds that the volatility spillovers from the Canadian dollar, Singapore dollar, and Australian dollar to the Korean won are significant, while the volatility spillovers from the Japanese yen, British pound, Euro, Thai baht, and Indonesian rupiah to the Korean won are insignificant. In terms of the economic system and structure, Japan, Britain, and European countries are at a higher level than Korea, while Thailand and Indonesia are at a lower level than Korea. Canada, Singapore, and Australia are almost at the same level as Korea. Therefore, these results appear to be derived from the phenomenon of exchange rate spillovers among countries with a similar economic system and structures, and contradict the literature, which has argued that exchange rates volatility spillovers occur among countries that are in the same area geographically.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.132-146
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• 2017

Over the years(1971 to 1987), only 20 Korean film production companies had been granted the exclusive rights to make Korean films in Korea and to import foreign films with a quota system. They had been making trashy Korean movies to secure import quotas of foreign films. Newcomer's entry of market had also been limited and the growth of Korean films through innovation had been hampered. In the same period, The annual number of Rookie director is 10, the portion of debut films of all Korean films is 10.62%, and the audience portion of debut is only 10.5% of Korean movie audience. From 2004 to 2016, total number of rookie directors is 874, and 61.72% of 1,416 directors who made his debut over the 46 years from 1971 to 2016. This is far more than the number of directors who debuted for the last 32 years. From 2004 to 2016, the annual number of rookie directors is 62.15 and their debut film occupies 39.58% of the total amount of Korean movies released and 32.8% of the audience number. Since the full opening of the domestic market to foreign films industries in 1988, the liberalization of independent film production in 1999, as a result of innovation of a competitive system, the Korean movies have been loved by audiences. However, there are concerns that the decline of the screen quota in 2006, the monopoly of the 4 major distributors, increase in indie movies and Semi-adult movies for VOD, could be the potential threat for future innovation in Korean cinema.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.11a
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• pp.1453-1469
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• 2017

우리나라는 후발주자임에도 불구하고 개방형 운영체제의 전격적 채택과 고급 기종 중심의 공격적 제품 라인 확대, 그리고 가치사슬의 수직 통합 체계 구축 등에 힘입어 2011년 세계 스마트폰 시장 점유율 1위를 차지하였다. 그러나 우리나라 스마트폰 산업은 시장 점유율 1위를 달성한지 4년만인 2015년 또 다른 후발주자인 중국에 추격을 허용하였다. 이와 같은 스마트폰 산업 주도권 이전 현상을 논의하기 위해 본 연구는 추격 사이클 이론에 기반하여 중국 스마트폰 산업의 추격과 관련한 기술 수요적 정책 및 제도적 기회의 창을 고찰하고, 이에 대한 중국의 전략적 대응과 우리나라의 실책을 논의하였다. 먼저 기술적 기회의 창으로 스마트폰 아키텍처의 모듈화와 시스템 반도체의 원칩화는 스마트폰 생산에 필요한 기술적 지식의 장벽을 낮추는데 기여하였다. 또한 2013년부터 급성장하기 시작한 저가(190달러 이하) 스마트폰 시장은 기술적 열위인 중국의 시장 개척에 우호적 기회로 작용하였다. 이와 함께 중국 정부의 스마트폰 관련 연구개발 투자 확대는 중국에게 우호적 사업 환경을 제공하는 정책적 기회의 창으로 작용하였다. 이와 같은 기회의 창을 활용하기 위해 중국 스마트폰 산업은 빠른 시장 진입, 원가 절감을 위한 현지 부품 채용, 정부 연구개발 투자를 활용한 기술 역량 축적 등의 전략적 대응을 전개하였다. 반면 우리나라는 고급 기종 생산 고수와 저가 기종 출시 지연, 수직통합 체계의 고착화에 따른 부품 경쟁력 악화에 따라 중국에 추격을 허용하게 되었다. 본 연구는 산업 주도권 이전 현상에 대한 최신 실증을 추가함으로써 추격 사이클 이론의 발전에 기여할 것으로 기대되며, 향후 우리나라 스마트폰 산업 발전 정책 발굴에 중요한 지침으로 활용될 것으로 기대된다.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.53
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• pp.255-279
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• 2017

The development of North Korea's nuclear weapons has worsened to the sixth nuclear test in 2017, and despite the sanctions of the international community including our government, we have not been able to offer clear solutions and alternatives, and the current measures are not enough in case of North Korea is using nuclear weapons. This study suggests how we should be prepared against the use of nuclear weapons under the premise that North Korea will never give up development of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. The first chapter outlines the current status of our preparedness if North Korea makes a nuclear attack. The second chapter analyzes and evaluates the power of nuclear weapons and North Korea's nuclear weapons threat. In the third chapter, we analyze North Korea nuclear attack and analyze the wartime emergency situation and civil defense posture. Finally, in order to implement the solutions presented in the text, we will identify priorities and summarize further developments.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.127-135
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• 2017

Today, Kim Jong-un, the third-hereditary regime in North Korea, is committing Nuclear Provocation more aggressively than the past when Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il dominated. Past South Korea government had suggested plans to restrain the provocation from North Korea and bring stabilization in the Korean Peninsula. However, consequentially it was limited to the primary role of the President. When President Trump takes over the government in February 2017, it has attracted the expectation about the issues occurred on the Korean Peninsula due to the pledge that he promised during the presidential election and his govern style. However, various speeches about the Korean Peninsula that he spoke recently made situations depressed about what South Korean currently encounters. Furthermore, previous regime in North Korea has laid the foundation for Kim Jong-un to be obsessed more on the nuclear and missile which has led him to provoke more imprudently by highlighting the light weight, advanced, and various kinds of nuclear and missiles. Thus, we would like to propose counter measures in order for South Korean government to handle and solve the issues that they encounters by themselves based on North Korea's Nuclear Provocation instead of relying on other countries to get involved and help.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.54-71
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• 2018

This year marks the 40th anniversary of the first inscription of 12 UNESCO World Heritage sites in 1978. Based on an overview of the implementation of the 'Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage', this article examines the current issues of the inscription of cultural heritage over the past 40 years. In particular, this paper focuses on the case study of 'Sacred Island of Okinoshima and Munakata Region' nominated by Japan, which was inscribed on the World Heritage List at the 41st World Heritage Committee in 2017. Also, it demonstrates the recent trend and investigates the issues of imbalances in the evaluation and the decisions among relevant actors in the nomination process of World Heritage. Furthermore, this article attempts to derive feasible implications and lessons, and to generate heritage discourse by examining Japan's management in 'heritage diplomacy' of the World Heritage Convention, which is rapidly changing in the course of its nearly half a century of implementation. In conclusion, the research is expected to provide Korea with strategic guidance marking the 30th anniversary of its entry into the Convention, and to steer the future direction for the inscription and conservation of cultural heritage.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.71-96
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• 2017

This study analyzes the process of overcoming the impoverishment due to the failure of North Korea planned economy through marketization. Recognizing the economic policy presented by the convergence of market and planned economy system as a economy system and focusing on the 7.1 Economic Management Measures and the 6.28 New Economic Management Measures. The marketization is classified the indigenous marketization (1990-2001), the marketization focusing on central distribution (2002-2011), the marketization focusing on production (2012-2017). The major events, the economic circular structure and the economic behavior were analyzed. Results showed as following: First, through the process of marketization starting from the expansion of farmers' market and the marketization focusing on distribution, the marketization focusing on production to the marketization focusing on finance. And as the evolution of it continues, to some extent a poverty has been overcomed. Second, corporate institutions, agricultural institutions, financial institutions and progress in becoming a market economy direction. A series of privatization starting from small one to large-scale one have been progressing. Third, in order to overcome the impoverishment completely. Through foreign investment the industrialization covering a wide range of industries are urgently needed, Domestic agricultural reform, enterprise reform, price reform, financial reform, financial reform, trade and direct investment, reform, reform, distribution, etc are needed. The economic reforms across almost all sectors are needed to be combined in a global economy Expanding employment, the acquisition of foreign currencies and the acquisition of technology in the process should also be realized. The direction of change of this series of economic structures has turned Public sector and centralized into Private sector and Decentralization.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.63-68
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• 2017

The Jasmine Revolution started from Tunisia in January 2011 has brought many changes into countries in North Africa and Middle East. We need to study the causes of the revolution. First, the kings and dictators in those countries oppressed the opposition parties and the media aiming for long-term seizure of power. The power concentrated on specific people produced illegalities and corruption. Secondly, most of the national income of those countries belonged to kings and dictators producing problems during the distribution of the income. Especially, with the decrease of oil price in 1990s and the increase of the price of daily necessities in 2000s people lost their credits on their governments. Lastly, the number of people in those countries using the Internet has increased by 4,863% from 2000 to 2010. The expansion of social network services such as Facebook and Twitter was one of factors that made the information control by those countries difficult. We should think about the possibility of sudden change in North Korea. It is necessary to compare and analyze the political, economic and social characteristics between those countries and North Korea. It shouldn't be just a simple comparison or analysis. It should provide basic data for objective and quantified index development in relation to sudden change in North Korea.