• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.173-192
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• 1984

On the basis of the study intended to research by crosssectional study keeps pace with semilongitudinal study the growthaccelerating phenomena that Maximum Growth age in teenager's body-height. By the random sampling method, the subject of study are 12659 persons(male; 6355, female; 6304) that they are from 7 ages to 17 ages in the whole country including the rural community. The measurement period passed three month days, the statistical data became electronic data processing system with computer. The other side, body-height and MGA of Koreans who had been for during the period from 1925 to 1966 proved transition of the growth-accelerating phenomena by research data reported between 1913 and 1983. The results are as follows; 1. The Growth and Development-Value of Body-height An age bracket the growth and development-value of body-height were, respectively, male is $123.88{\pm}5.05cm$ and female is $123.29{\pm}5.54cm$ for 7 ages group. these indices increased with age. the top-value reach, respectively. $169.08{\pm}5.62cm$ and $157.57{\pm}6.13cm$. The intersecting ages of male and female were the age $8.5{\sim}12.5$, during these periods, female excelled male but after these periods, male excelled female again. In case of body-height, MGA's are 7.0cm for male between 12 and 13 ages, and 7.01cm for female between 8 and 9 ages. As a rule, body-height of male excelled female but intersection phenomena of male and female appeared between 8.5 and 12.5 ages. By reginal groups, it is most prevailing is Seoul, and medium size cities and rural community rome in order. By regional groups, intersection phenomena of male and female are. a region of Seoul; $$8.5{\sim}11.5$$ ages a region of Daejeon; $$7.5{\sim}9.5$$ ages rural community; $$11.5{\sim}14.5$$ ages the whole country's average; $$8.5{\sim}12.5$$ ages By regional groups, the rate of maximum increase in a year are a region of Seoul; male is 7.23cm as 13 ages female is 7.65cm as 9 ages. a region of Daejeon; male is 7.85cm as 11 ages. female is 8.39cm as 9 ages. rural community; male is 7.65cm as 14 ages. female is 6.25cm as 12 ages. the whole country's average; male is 7.0cm as 13 ages. female is 7.01 as 9 ages. 2. Maximum Growth Age (M.G.A.) By reginal groups, maximum Growth Age's are as below in a region of Seoul, MGA's are 12.63 for male and 9.01 for female, which shows that MGA for female appears about 3.5 years earlier than that for male. In a region of Daejeon, MGA's are 9.20 for male and 8.93 for female, which. show that they are all much the same in M.G.A. In rural community, MGA's are 14.00 for male and 11.89 for female, which shows that MGA for female apperars about 2 years earlier than that for male. In the whole average, MGA's are 13.01 for male and 8.97 for femal, which shows that for female appears about 4 years earlier than that for male. For boy, M.G.A. shows fastest-growing in Daejeon, and Seoul and rural commonly come in order. For girl, It shows equal growth in Seoul and Daejeon, rural community comes later. 3. The M.G.A's in body height of male are respectively the age 15.02 in 1913, 14.23 in 1956, 13.86 in 1967, 13.62 in 1975, and 12.82 in 1981, while those of female are the age 12.0 in 1940, 11.52 in 1965, 9.53 in 1975, and 11.16 in 1980; these data show that the MGA of the Koreans has been getting younger. 4. The equation of linear regression of all the MGA's in body height are as follow; Male: Y(M.G.A)=$-0.020{\times}$ (the year)+15.19: female:Y(MGA)=$-0.028{\times}$(the year)+13.2549. 5. The corelation of all the MGA's in body height are as below; male; r=-0.329 female;r=-0.252 6. From the transition of the growth-accelating phenomena in 1980 we can capture the fact that the MGA's has been getting younger by 0.2 year per 10 years. 7. The MGA's in bodyheight are shown in table 4... 8. The future growth-accelating phenomena in body height are expected to show the similar tendency like that of the past, in 1910's but it should by more precisely reviewed after investigating the phenomena of the years directly ahead.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.91-124
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• 1985

Mariculture is contrasted with inland aqua-culturing fisheries. It is defind as the Industry of rearing Aquaorganism in limited coastal area relatively shallow in depth. Then, It's coming into being realization of Mariculture in it is long in history that Mariculture was realized in Korea. But it is from the early part of 1960s, that this industry has normally developed. Owing to 200 miles economy-zone problems of coastal countries, the development of deep sea fishing was limited, so the Korean Government has now appreciated the importance of cultured industries in the field of coastal fisheries. And the Korean Mariculture the output of which was only 18, 000 M/T in '60s attained 540, 000M/T in 1980s, has now occupied its relative importance in Korean Fisheries Industry. So the purpose of this report is to suggest the prospect of technical development of mariculture in the future of Korea, through the analysis of the various problems that affect upon the individual management '||'&'||' fishing ground utilization, along with the appreciation of "how to extend of those technical innovation" and "how the fishermen's technique level is extended at this stage. According to this study, the result is summarized as follows. First, Maricultural technique is classified into 8 sub-techniques as follows, as shown in fig. 1.Fig. 1. The Formation structure of mariculture technique Second, the change of technical method of mariculture in coastal area of Korea has made as 5 stages; 1) Scattering of culturing organism 2) Culturing by putting stone and installing bamboo 3) Culturing by installing rope and seeding 4) Culturing of putting objectives in cages 5) Culturing fish by feed Third, the maricultural fisheries of Korea has about 70 years long in history. It began from 1910s. But at that time there was no special technique in aquaculture and its technique was confined in searching out the object of species. The species was laver, oyster ect.Forth, although realization of mariculture in Korea has been long time, it is of late from 1960s that this has been industrial with normal development, and its technique of mariculture has mainly has developed from 1970s. Its result not only contributed to the high growth in Korean ecconomy along with the well balanced development between industires, but also it played a great role for the resolution of nation's food problem. Especially maricultural production has shown its sustained annual increase of 13.8% during the last 20 years. So the portion of mariculture among total fisheries stucture was extended from 4.1% in the early 1960s to 22.4% in 1980s.Fifth, it could be safely said that such development in maricultural field is resulted from the activity of aquacultural institutes such as Fisheries Reseach '||'&'||' Development production of major kinds such as Oyster, Sea-mustard, and Laver etc. As well as in the innovation of aquaculturing method with synthetic fiber utilization. FRDA has played important role in the efficient propargation of new aquacultural technique.Sixth, as for the change in aquaculture structure and its during period between 1970s and 1980s, the private management participation shown 25% increase from household number of 45, 173 to 56, 268 in total number. And in the respect of the management scale, of their management decreased, while it showed an increase in relative large scale management, the increase over 3 employees compared with other fisheries field between '70s and 80s. This must be an major trait to be recorded, Now the data above mentioned are shown as in table 1 and 2.Table 1. The maricultural fishing ground development situation in 982.Table 2. The mariculture management as seen in the employmnet size in high seasion.Owing to the technical innovation, of the mariculture in coastal area new income of fishermen increased and it also is true that the number of fishermen participating in its industrialization increased. But the problem being from now on is the self-discharge of the destruction fishing ground considered resulted from rapid expansion in aquaculture industry and the preventive system of sentility of fishing ground. sentility of fishing ground.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.57-76
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• 2006

From the late 1920s to the 1930s, Korea's fine art community focused on traditional viewpoints as their main topic. The traditional viewpoints were discussed mainly by Korean students studying in Japan, especially oil painters. Such discussions on tradition can be divided into two separate halves, namely the pre- and post-Sino-Japanese War (1937) periods. Before the war, the modernists among Korea's fine art community tried to gain a fuller understanding of contemporary Western modern art, namely, expressionism, futurism, surrealism, and so forth, on the basis of Orientalism, and borrow from these schools' in order to create their own works. Furthermore, proponents of Joseon's avant-garde fine arts and artists of the pro-fine art school triggered debate on the traditional viewpoints. After the Sino-Japanese War, these artists continued to embrace Western modern art on the basis of Orientalism. However, since Western modern fine art was regressing into Oriental fine art during this period, Korean artists did not need to research Western modern fine art, but sought to study Joseon's classics and create Joseon's own avant- garde fine art in a movement led by the Munjang group. This research reviews the traditional view espoused by the Munjang group, which represented the avant-garde fine art movement of the post-war period. Advocating Joseon's own current of avant-garde fine art through the Munjang literary magazine, Gil Jin - seop, Kim Yong-jun and others accepted the Japanese fine art community's methodology for the restoration of classicism, but refused Orientalism as an ideology, and attempted to renew their perception of Joseon tradition. The advocation of the restoration of classicism by Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun appears to be similar to that of the Yasuda Yojuro-style restoration of classicism. However, Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun did not seek their sources of classicism from the Three-Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods, which Japan had promoted as a symbol of unity among the Joseon people; instead they sought classicism from the Joseon fine art which the Japanese had criticized as a hotbed of decadence. It was the Joseon period that the Munjang group chose as classicism when Japan was upholding Fascism as a contemporary extremism, and when Hangeul (Korean writing system) was banned from schools. The group highly evaluated literature written in the style of women, especially women's writings on the royal court, as represented by Hanjungnok (A Story of Sorrowful Days). In the area of fine art, the group renewed the evaluation of not only literary paintings, but also of the authentic landscape paintings refused by, and the values of the Chusa school criticized as decadent by, the colonial bureaucratic artists, there by making great progress in promoting the traditional viewpoint. Kim Yong-jun embraced a painting philosophy based on the painting techniques of Sasaeng (sketching), because he paid keen attention to the tradition of literary paintings, authentic landscape paintings and genre paintings. The literary painting theory of the 20th century, which was highly developed, could naturally shed both the colonial historical viewpoint which regarded Joseon fine art as heteronomical, and the traditional viewpoint which regarded Joseon fine art as decadent. As such, the Munjang group was able to embrace the Joseon period as the source of classicism amid the prevalent colonial historical viewpoint, presumably as it had accumulated first-hand experience in appreciating curios of paintings and calligraphic works, instead of taking a logical approach. Kim Yong-jun, in his fine art theory, defined artistic forms as the expression of mind, and noted that such an artistic mind could be attained by the appreciation of nature and life. This is because, for the Munjang group, the experience of appreciating nature and life begins with the appreciation of curios of paintings and calligraphic works. Furthermore, for the members of the Munjang group, who were purists who valued artistic style, the concept of individuality presumably was an engine that protected them from falling into the then totalitarian world view represented by the Nishita philosophy. Such a 20th century literary painting theory espoused by the Munjang group concurred with the contemporary traditional viewpoint spearheaded by Oh Se-chang in the 1910s. This theory had a great influence on South and North Korea's fine art theories and circles through the Fine Art College of Seoul National University and Pyongyang Fine Art School in the wake of Korea's liberation. In this sense, the significance of the theory should be re-evaluated.

• 한국시조학회지:시조학논총
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• 제42권
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• pp.29-68
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• 2015

'시조창사(時調唱詞)'를 노랫말로 하는 시조창의 전개와 현황에 대한 논문이다. 시조창은 현재까지 전하여지는 우리 한민족의 대표적인 시가(詩歌)로, 역사적으로 신라 향가(鄕歌) 이전부터 그 근원을 소급할 수 있으나, 현재 전하는 시조창은 1800년경 조선조 후기부터이다. 시조창은 1800년경 서울 일원에서 발생한 경제(京制) 평시조(平時調)로부터 태동하여 다양한 악곡의 종류가 생겨나고, 또한 서울뿐 아니라 각 지방으로도 널리 불려 다양한 지역별 창제가 생겨났다. 본고에서는 1800년경부터 현재에 이르기까지 시조창의 전개 양상을 1800년대와 1900년대 이후로 구분하여, 1800년대는 고(古)악보를 중심으로 현행 악곡과의 비교를 통하여 현행 악곡의 발생 과정을 살피고자 하였으며, 1900년대 이후는 현재에 이르기까지 경제를 비롯한 영제, 내포제, 완제 등 각 지역별 창제와 현재 전국적으로 가장 널리 불리는 석암제 창제를 포함하여 인물(창자) 중심의 전승계보를 밝혔다. 이에 따르면, 1800년경의 고악보에 수록된 초기 시조악곡들은 거의 현행 경제 평시조와 지름시조 계통이었다. 1900년대 이후에는 악곡의 종류가 십여 종류로 다양화됨과 아울러 지역별 창제도 확립된 시기로 경제 시조창 외에 영제, 내포제 등 시조창이 생겨났다. 그러나 1960년대 이후에는 석암 정경태가 만든 창제가 전국을 통일하다시피 하여 각 지역별 창제의 고유성을 잃어버리는 결과를 초래하였다. 한편으로 1900년대 초, 중반 또는 중반기 이후부터 전개되기 시작한 시조창의 학술, 창작 및 공연별로 그 양상을 각각 살폈다. 학술 부문은 1950-60년대 초창기에 장사훈과 이혜구에 의하여 주도되었고, 이후 황준연, 김영운, 서한범, 변미혜, 최헌, 임미선(무순) 등과 같은 국악학자들과 시조창에도 관심이 많은 김동준, 신웅순, 신경숙, 조규익(무순) 등의 국문학자들이 뒤를 이었다. 또한 김기수, 이주환, 정경태, 이양교, 김호성, 조순자 및 필자(무순) 등의 전문 실기인들도 학술적 가치가 큰 악보집이나 저서 및 논문 등을 통하여 시조창 이론의 정립을 꾀하였다. 창작 부문은 시조창에 한정된 곡은 아니지만 정가에 바탕한 아악풍의 곡들을 만든 김기수로부터 시작되어 한만영, 이성천, 황병기, 김용진, 박일훈, 이상규, 김영동, 임진옥, 황의종, 이해식, 전인평, 이준호, 김성경, 유은선, 이건용, 백병동, 이만방, 황성호, 김기영, 구본웅, 임준희, 이찬해, 류형선, 김현정, 박경훈, 박정규, 신동일, 안현정, 윤혜진, 이태원, 임희선(무순) 등의 작곡가들에 의하여 시조 창작곡을 포함한 정가창 관련 창작성악곡들이 이어져 왔다. 공연 부문은 2000년대를 기점으로 그 이전에는 시조창을 포함한 전통 정가창 위주의 공연이 펼쳐졌으나, 그 이후에는 대중성 짙은 퓨전 국악이 활성화함에 따라 젊은 작곡가들과 몇몇 퓨전 정가 공연그룹에 의하여 퓨전 정가곡이 만들어지게 되었으나 아직은 다른 국악기 분야에서처럼 활발하다고 할 수는 없다. 결론에서는 전통 시조창의 올바른 전승을 위하여, 필자는 다음과 같이 크게 세가지를 제언하는 것으로 결론을 대신하였다. 첫째, 현행 전하는 다양한 시조창 악곡이 골고루 불려지지 않으며, 곡명에 있어서 창자나 지역에 따라 달리 부르는 등 혼란을 초래하고 있는 점, 둘째, 악곡의 종류별로 얹어 부르는 시조창사의 획일화, 셋째, 시조창자가 부를 수 있는 노래 장르의 영역이 점점 축소되고 있는 점등이다.

• 한국식품영양학회지
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• 제28권5호
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• pp.835-848
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• 2015

즙장은 중국의 조리서에 수록되지 않은 순수 우리나라 속성장으로 많은 종류가 있었으나, 보존성 문제로 대부분 맥이 끊겨서 전해지지 않기 때문에 조선시대 및 1950년 이전 조리서의 즙장을 조사하여 밝혔다. 그 중 가지와 오이 등의 채소를 넣는 즙장은 34 가지, 넣지 않는 즙장은 9가지였다. 즙장의 주재료는 콩과 밀기울이며, 보리, 메밀도 쓰였다. 즙장메주는 빨리 뜨게 하기 위하여 일반메주보다 작게 만들었는데, 작은 알 형태가 가장 많고, 납작하거나 둥근 칼자루 형태도 있다. 즙장은 메주가루를 소금과 물로 이겨서 담그는 것이 가장 많다. 함께 쓰는 것으로는 누룩가루, 밀기울, 밀가루, 술, 말장, 간장, 엿기름, 탁주 등이 있다. 즙장메주는 용기에 넣어서 띄우는 것도 있고, 넣지 않고 띄우는 것도 있는데, 용기는 섬과 둥구미가 가장 많고, 버드나무그릇, 치룽, 독도 사용하며, 즙장메주의 깔개 및 덮개는 닥나무 잎을 가장 많이 사용하고, 그 외에 짚, 북나무잎, 뽕잎, 가랑잎, 솔잎, 콩잎도 사용한다. 즙장은 다른 장과 달리 말똥, 두엄, 풀더미에 묻혀서 이들이 썩으면서 내는 $60{\sim}65^{\circ}C$의 열로 가열하여 숙성시킨다. 즙장은 맥이 끊기거나 쩜장, 지례장, 무장, 빠금장, 막장, 집장, 토장 등의 형태로도 변하였다. 이들 장은 즙장에서 사용하지 않는 쌀, 엿기름, 고춧가루 등을 사용하고 있는 점에서 다르다.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.313-340
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• 2004

남한산성(南漢山城)은 병자호란을 상징하는 경관요소로서 치욕스러운 과거의 기억을 간직한 채 한강남쪽 평지 한 가운데 솟아있다. 남한산 아래의 고위평탄면상에는 산성의 수축을 계기로 고골(古邑)에서 이전해온 광주부(廣州府)의 치소(治所)가 자리하였는데, 조선시대에 성내동(城內洞)으로 불리다가 1910년에 읍내동(邑內洞), 1914년에는 다시 산성리(山城里)로 개칭되어 오늘에 이르고 있다 생활환경이 열악한 일개 산촌에 불과했던 산성마을은 행정중심지로 계획되었으며 정책적으로 모임(募入)한 300여 호에서 출발하며 전성기에는 600호 가까운 규모로 성장하였다. 성내에는 종묘봉안처(宗廟奉安處)(좌전(左殿)), 사직봉안처(社稷奉安處)(우실(右室)), 행궁(行宮)을 겸한 광주부(廣州府)의 관아(官衙), 수어영(守禦營)과 광주부(廣州府) 소속의 공해, 시장(市場) 등 유교적인 도회도식(都會圖式)에 규정된 기본요소로 구성된 상징경관이 형성되었다. 성내동민(城內洞民)은 복호(復戶)의 혜택이 주어진 산성 안팎의 토지를 경작하고, 상품을 교역하는 한편, 모군(募軍)으로 자신의 노동을 상품화하면서 궁핍한 생활을 이어갔다. 사회경제적인 상황의 변화와 함께 1917년 산성으로 들어오는 길목에 자리한 주막리(酒幕里)가 광주군 신 청사의 입지로 결정되면서 산성취락은 해체단계를 맞아 한적한 벽촌으로 남게된다.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.282-291
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• 2009

본 연구는 1915년과 2005년의 공간정보를 이용하여 규제와 관련된 공간 갈등을 예측하고자 한 연구다. 이를 위해 연구지역인 평창의 상대적인 공간 밀도의 차이와 그에 따른 환경규제 갈등을 예측하고자 하였다. 먼저 연구지역의 건물 밀도를 이용하여 공간구조를 분석한 결과 1915년과 비교하여 2005년의 건물 집적 정도가 강화되었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 변화 유형은 신규로 거점을 형성하고 성장한 유형, 인접한 중심 거점으로의 집중이 진행된 유형, 세력이 전반적으로 약화된 유형, 큰 변화를 보이지 않는 유형 등으로 분류할 수 있었다. 다음으로 연구지역에서 예상되는 환경규제의 장 단기적 갈등을 분석한 결과 진부면 일대와 평창읍의 도시 외곽지역, 그리고 31번 국도변 등은 장 단기적으로 개발과 보전의 갈등이 클 것으로 예상되었다. 그리고 대관령면은 단기적으로는 갈등이 크지만 장기적으로는 갈등이 약화될 것으로 예상되었으며, 방림면은 현 시점에는 갈등이 약하지만 장기적으로는 갈등이 발생할 가능성이 높은 것으로 예상되었다. 이러한 연구 결과는 지역의 공간 갈등을 최소화기 위한 기초자료로 활용될 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• Journal of Microbiology and Biotechnology
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• 제30권5호
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• pp.668-680
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• 2020

Bacillus velezensis is an important plant growth-promoting rhizobacterium with immense potential in agriculture development. In the present study, Bacillus velezensis Lle-9 was isolated from the bulbs of Lilium leucanthum. The isolated strain showed antifungal activities against plant pathogens like Botryosphaeria dothidea, Fusarium oxysporum, Botrytis cinerea and Fusarium fujikuroi. The highest percentage of growth inhibition i.e., 68.56±2.35% was observed against Fusarium oxysporum followed by 63.12 ± 2.83%, 61.67 ± 3.39% and 55.82 ± 2.76% against Botrytis cinerea, Botryosphaeria dothidea, and Fusarium fujikuroi, respectively. The ethyl acetate fraction revealed a number of bioactive compounds and several were identified as antimicrobial agents such as diketopiperazines, cyclo-peptides, linear peptides, latrunculin A, 5α-hydroxy-6-ketocholesterol, (R)-S-lactoylglutathione, triamterene, rubiadin, moxifloxacin, 9-hydroxy-5Z,7E,11Z,14Z-eicosatetraenoic acid, D-erythro-C18-Sphingosine, citrinin, and 2-arachidonoyllysophosphatidylcholine. The presence of these antimicrobial compounds in the bacterial culture might have contributed to the antifungal activities of the isolated B. velezensis Lle-9. The strain showed plant growth-promoting traits such as production of organic acids, ACC deaminase, indole-3-acetic acid (IAA), siderophores, and nitrogen fixation and phosphate solubilization. IAA production was accelerated with application of exogenous tryptophan concentrations in the medium. Further, the lily plants upon inoculation with Lle-9 exhibited improved vegetative growth, more flowering shoots and longer roots than control plants under greenhouse condition. The isolated B. velezensis strain Lle-9 possessed broad-spectrum antifungal activities and multiple plant growth-promoting traits and thus may play an important role in promoting sustainable agriculture. This strain could be developed and applied in field experiments in order to promote plant growth and control disease pathogens.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.96-111
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• 2009

이 글은 '농악(農樂)'과 '풍물(風物)' 두 용어의 합리성과 효용성에 관한 논의이다. 이 글에서 필자는 사료검토를 바탕으로 한 통시적 고찰을 통하여 '농악'과 '풍물'이 어떤 과정을 거쳐 지금에 이르렀는가를 살펴보았다. 조선시대, 일제강점기, 해방 이후부터 현재에 이르기까지의 사료를 인용하여 논의의 역사적 맥락과 근거를 확보하려 하였다. 이러한 역사적 고찰을 기반으로 하여 현재까지 '농악'에 가해진 많은 비판적 논의들을 검토하고 그 오류를 지적하였다. 본론에서는 '농악'을 비판한 의견들에 대한 재반론을 거쳐 최종적으로는 '농악'과 '풍물', '풍물굿'과 '풍물놀이' 등의 용어를 포괄하여 그 의미와 합리성을 검토하였다. '풍물'은 조선시대부터 악기의 의미로 수백 년 동안 사용되어 왔고 현재에도 악기를 가리키는 용어로 사용되고 있다. 이 용어는 역사적 정통성을 고려할 때 공연양식으로서의 '농악'을 나타내는 말이 아니라'농악에 사용되는 악기'를 나타내는 용어로서 매우 합리적이다. '풍물'이 한자말이 아니라 순우리말이라는 주장에는 동의할 만한 논거가 보이지 않으므로 이 말이 한자말이라는 것은 재삼 강조해 둔다. '풍물굿'은 '풍물로 하는 굿'이라는 의미로 글자 그대로 보아서는 나름대로의 합리성은 인정되지만 1980년대 소수의 지식인들이 만들어 낸 신조어라는 약점을 안고 있다. 더구나 현장에서는 거의 사용되지 않는다. '풍물놀이'는 종합예술인 농악을 지칭하기에는 한계가 있다. 놀이, 제의, 연극, 음악, 무용 등이 종합적으로 결합된 농악을 놀이라고 한정하여 이야기할 수는 없기 때문이다. '농악'은 농경사회에서 절대 다수를 차지했던 농민들 스스로가 창조하고 발전시킨 민중적 종합예술이라는 의미가 내포되어 있으며 전통성, 사용빈도, 인지도 등으로 보아서 가장 합리적인 용어라고 판단된다.