• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.204-219
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• 2015

International society, including the United Nations, has recently been making efforts to further promote a rapprochement of cultures in relation to alleviating military and political conflicts and other social clashes. In line with these efforts at the international level, there has been a growing interest on Central Asia and, in particular, on the Silk Road, which functioned as a trade route among ancient civilizations in the region and is also seen as a route that promoted cultural dialogue and exchanges. Given the amount of cross cultural dialogue and exchange, it is no surprise that intangible cultural heritage has historically been abundant and easily found in the region. However, this heritage was placed in considerable risk because heritage transmission critically weakened for seventy years under Soviet rule. Fortunately, since independence, there has been increasing interest in restoring community identity and reviving intangible heritage. Nevertheless, in spite of this interest, a lack of policies and cultural support in each country has made heritage safeguarding difficult. In this paper, I analyze the various phenomena that took place after the concept and international trends on ICH were introduced and speak about the experiences and outcomes obtained from collaborative network projects by ICHCAP and the Central Asian countries over the last six year. In addition, I would like take this opportunity to discuss how we can understand and develop collaboration in the intangible heritage field in Central Asia in a long-term perspective.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.291-326
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• 2004

This study explores the process within which whereas the majority of Korean people agree on the principle of the unification policy, the opinions about the concrete policy alternatives related to the principle do not converge. To account for this phenomenon, a.k.a. 'the principle-policy puzzle in public opinion', this study constructs and tests a covariance structural model with the explanatory variables such as political knowledge, political ideology, authoritarian personality, social distance, and the evaluation of the president. In addition, the interaction effects of the interpretive frames regarding the unification policy and political knowledge along with the main effects of socio-demographic variables are tested to explain the degree to which people show the gap between the agreements on the unification principle and policy alternatives. A sample of 600 Seoul people are recruited to provide the data for the analysis of structural equation modeling. Ie was found that the proposed model receives empirical supports from the data. In particular, political knowledge and authoritarian personality play key roles in accounting for the complex process of public opinion in the 'principle-policy puzzle'. The findings were discussed in terms of the representations of the Engagement policy in the mass media and the public perception of them.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.